New York Times Operatives Richard Fausset (Alleged Reporter), Executive Editor Dean Baquet, and Managing Editor Joseph Kahn, Have Won the Duranty-Blair Award for Journalistic Infamy, for Fausset’s Rationalization of Black Supremacism in the 2017 Alabama Special Election

By Nicholas Stix

For over a generation, blacks in America have voted over 90% for Democrat candidates.

They have all sorts of phony-as-a-three-dollar-bill, self-serving rationalizations for this outrageous behavior, which is simply due to the Democrat Party being the party of black supremacism, and anti-white genocide.

No honest reporter would play along with blacks’ game, but Richard Fausset works for the New York Times. In order to work at a place like the Times, you have to take an IQ test and an integrity test. If you pass both, you fail; if you fail both, you pass.

It’s like getting hired to be a professor these days at Harvard.

So, in “Why Black Voters Backed Jones: ‘It’s a Matter of Character for Us’” (bottom of page), Fausset sucks up to black supremacists. Instead of asking on election night, ‘How is today’s election different from all other elections?,” he acts as stenographer to shameless, black supremacist liars.

“[Devon] Crawford, who is earning a master’s degree in divinity, was standing near the stage at the victory party for Moore’s opponent, Doug Jones, arguing that Moore’s Christianity did not square with the vision of faith shared by so many black civil rights leaders whose blood was shed on Alabama soil.

“Moore’s version, he said, ‘sanctifies the truth-making power of white men’ and was ‘really just a masquerade for white supremacy.’”

If Fausset were a real reporter, he would have asked Crawford to explain what it was about Roy Moore’s Christianity that was “really just a masquerade for white supremacy.”

But that would have caused a commotion. Devon Crawford, a theology student at the University of Chicago, could not possibly have given Fausset an honest answer. All that Crawford had was his genocidal racial hatred towards whites, and ridiculous bombast to seek and rationalize his own murderous, racial hatred.

I’m reminded of a night of riots in Baltimore in spring 2015. Fox News reporter Leland Vittert is reporting late at night from a site of looting.

Black supremacist city councilman Nick Mosby, the husband of black supremacist city attorney Marilyn Mosby, is talking to Vittert, as 10-20 feet away, right in front of them, young black men are looting stores.

The police can be seen standing down, one of two long blocks away, in plain sight of the looting.

Mosby tells Vittert of how Mosby and some other unidentified men had told police to back off, and let them stop the looting.

When Vittert responded by pointing out that the young men were looting right in front of them, Mosby threw up a hand in disgust, criticized Vittert as being unhelpful, and walked off.

Vittert tried interviewing masked rioters live—without daring to ask why they were masked—but it was impossible, He would tell them in advance that they couldn’t curse, but every single one of them would start cursing. He would move on from one to the next. When they weren’t cursing, they were muttering unintelligible nonsense about “frustration” and “questions.”

Vittert’s studio host, Megyn Kelly, was worried for his life.

The leftwing media were praising the rioters, and lying on their behalf.

Devon Crawford may have some big words at his disposal, but he’s as full of it as those Baltimore rioter/looters.

A legitimate reporter does not let an interviewee pee on his pants leg, and tell him it’s raining.

“The vision of faith shared by so many black civil rights leaders” is known under numerous names—Communism, Marxism, etc.—but Christianity, it ain’t.

“[Michael Nabors] said that they paid attention to the allegations brought by the women who said Moore had consorted with them when they were young.”

[“Consorted with” means had sex with, which is a bald-faced lie. They didn’t even say that. Thus, Nabors was lying, and Fausset was engaging in truth-laundering by consciously quoting a lie, as if it were true.]

“And he said they paid attention to Jones' most famous case as a prosecutor.

“‘Those four little girls are on their feet tonight at 16th Street Baptist Church, celebrating. They’re celebrating in spirit.”

If Fausset had any respect for facts, he’d have mentioned that Doug Jones got a jury conviction in that church bombing case on Thomas Blanton, who was almost certainly innocent. Jones had no case on him, no eyewitness testimony, circumstantial evidence, or forensic evidence. He convicted him based solely on his political sympathies.

Thus, when black Alabamians say they voted for Doug Jones based on his “character,” that translates as railroading a white man is a sign of “character.”

Fausset also asks no questions about how black voters, who are notoriously apathetic about voting for any white candidate, would flock to the polls for a white man in a special election on an odd date, in greater proportions than they had for “Barack Obama” (30%-28% of the Alabama voting totals).

My theory: They didn’t. The 30% proportion was due to massive vote fraud.

The obscene character of Fausset’s interviewees gives pause. They are saying that they have much higher moral standards than whites. That must be why crime rates are so much lower in black neighborhoods than in white ones, and blacks have such a heroic work ethic and tradition of self-reliance.


The Duranty-Blair Award recognizes those journalists whose work embodies the spirit of Walter Duranty and Jayson Blair, two of the most notorious “journalists” in the history of the Fourth Estate. It is no accident that both men worked for the New York Times.

Walter Duranty wrote a series of early 1930s dispatches from the Soviet Union, where he was Times Moscow bureau chief, in which he lied about the Ukrainian Holocaust, in which Stalin deliberately starved millions of Kulaks (farmers) to death, through a man-made famine. Instead of reporting the truth, Duranty reported that the peasants were happy and well-fed, and was rewarded for his lies with a Pulitzer Prize.

Jayson Blair (here, here, and here) was an early 2000s black affirmative action hire, who alternately plagiarized reporters at other newspapers, and fabricated articles out of whole cloth, all for stories set hundreds and even thousands of miles away, while he sat in New York City cafés.

Other New York Times operatives who are Duranty-Blair laureates are Farhad Manjoo and Francis X. Clines.
 

Previous Duranty-Blair winners are:

• CBS News producer Mary Mapes in 2004;

• Seven reporters and editors at the New Orleans Times-Picayune in 2006;

• ABC News reporter Brian Ross in 2012;

• Peter Berger (not the brilliant sociologist), of The American Interest, in 2013;

• Associated Press operative Tom Hays, in 2014;

• New York Times operative Farhad Manjoo in September, 2016;

• CNN’s Symone Sanders (2), Don Lemon, and Kate Bolduan (2), in November 2016;

• New York Times Propaganda Officer Francis X. Clines in March 2017;

• CNN Activist Jim Sciutto, in May 2017;

• Associated Press “Reporter” Duncan Mansfield (posthumous), in September 2017;

• CBS Sports operative Jack Maloney, Chairman Sean McManus, and President David Berson;

• Associated Press operative Julie Pace, in October 2017; and

Associated Press Executive Editor Sally Buzbee and Managing Editor Brian Carovillano.
 


National News
Why Black Voters Backed Jones: “It’s a Matter of Character for Us”
Posted 11:28 a.m. yesterday



By RICHARD FAUSSET, New York Times

BIRMINGHAM, Ala. — Devon Crawford, 24, a black Alabamian, came home from the University of Chicago to vote against Republican Roy S. Moore in the special Senate election here.

Crawford, who is earning a master’s degree in divinity, was standing near the stage at the victory party for Moore’s opponent, Doug Jones, arguing that Moore’s Christianity did not square with the vision of faith shared by so many black civil rights leaders whose blood was shed on Alabama soil.
Moore’s version, he said, “sanctifies the truth-making power of white men” and was “really just a masquerade for white supremacy.”

African-American voters like Crawford played a crucial role in Moore’s stunning upset loss Tuesday. According to CNN exit polling, 30 percent of the electorate was African-American, with 96 percent of them voting for Jones. A remarkable 98 percent of black women voters supported Jones. The share of black voters Tuesday was higher than the share in 2008 and 2012, when Barack Obama was on the ballot.

Many black voters at Jones' jubilant victory celebration here echoed Crawford in saying they had long harbored a distaste for the fiery brand of evangelical politics that Moore had relied on to court working-class whites.
But many others said that the Jones campaign uncorked the intense feelings of alarm and distaste that many African-Americans harbor toward President Donald Trump, who had given Moore his full-throated endorsement in the campaign’s final days.

Joanice Thompson, 68, said that she and many of her fellow black voters were worried that Trumpism and a Republican-led Congress would chip away at protections for poor and working-class Americans. “But it’s a matter of character for us, too,” she said.

“Trump has disrespected the United States,” added Walladean Streeter, 68, a retired government worker. “How can you teach children in high school and college to respect their leaders when he’s acting like a child?”

Jones, 63, a former federal prosecutor, entered the race as a not particularly well-known face for many black voters here. But he had a deeply resonant story to tell them, having successfully prosecuted two white Klansmen for their roles in the 1963 bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham that killed four African-American girls.

As Moore was hobbled by allegations that he had engaged in inappropriate relations with teenage girls while in his 30s, Jones' campaign coffers grew fat, and in late November his campaign manager said the team would try to make contact — by mail, phone or otherwise — with every likely black voter five or six times before Election Day.

The campaign and its allies looked for ways to reach out to black voters without stirring up white Republicans. Jones toured black churches in Selma with Rep. Terri Sewell, an African-American congresswoman. Other high-profile black supporters made appearances on his behalf, including Rep. John Lewis of Georgia and Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey.

Toward the end of the campaign, Obama recorded a robocall for Jones, and former basketball star Charles Barkley, an Alabama native, urged voters to reject Moore at a campaign event on Monday. “We’ve got to, at some point, we got to stop looking like idiots to the nation,” Barkley said.

Michael Nabors, 54, and his wife Ella, 55, were among the black voters soaking up the Democratic good cheer after news agencies called the race for Jones.

“We knew the world was looking at us,” Michael Nabors said.

Nabors said that black voters were paying attention to Moore’s comments in September, in which he said that America was last “great” during the days when slavery was legal. He said they paid attention when Moore brought Stephen K. Bannon, the former Trump adviser, to campaign for him. He said that they paid attention to the allegations brought by the women who said Moore had consorted with them when they were young.

[“Consorted with” means had sex with, which is a bald-faced lie.]

And he said they paid attention to Jones' most famous case as a prosecutor.

“Those four little girls are on their feet tonight at 16th Street Baptist Church, celebrating,” he said. “They’re celebrating in spirit.”