Is being a Bodyguard to Criminals the Proper Preparation for becoming Mayor of the Nation’s Biggest City? The Eric Adams Story, Part III

[Part I: “Is the Black Supremacist Murder Cult, the Nation of Islam, Poised to Seize Power in New York City?”; and

“From Trying to Take over the #NYPD to Taking over #NewYorkCity: The #EricAdams Story, Part II.”]

By Nicholas Stix
[Commissioned by Jared Taylor for American Renaissance.]

During the late 1990s, Adams demanded that Police Commissioner Howard Safir put his secret, racist society (100 Blacks) in charge of NYPD recruiting, and changing police training. Safir refused (Kolker, idem, Part II).

During the same period, Adams sought unsuccessfully to extort favors out of the NYPD brass to give promotions to his black supremacist gang buddies.

On January 24, 2004, when white NYPD Officer Richard Neri, doing stairwell and roof patrol duty in Brooklyn’s Louis Armstrong Houses housing project was surprised by young black man Timothy Stansbury Jr., 19, suddenly illegally coming through the roof door, Officer Neri shot Stansbury dead. Although the cop had followed Department guidelines to the letter, Adams publicly condemned him, saying he had no business being a policeman, and thereby sought to incite hatred and violence against the man, based solely on the color of his skin (dismissal-worthy).

In 2004, Adams again acted as “bodyguard,” this time to corrupt, racist, city jurist, Justice Laura Blackburne, standing near her in the front of her courtroom. Blackburne was in no need of bodyguards (she already had armed court officers). However, Adams’ very public status as the head of the city’s largest, and most notorious racist, black counter-police gang made his presence intimidating against any law enforcement officer who might want to do his duty in the courtroom.

In 1990, the city’s first black mayor, socialist David N. Dinkins, named Blackburne the head of the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA). Blackburne promptly wasted almost $350,000 of taxpayer money on unnecessary renovations for her personal office, including in what became the centerpiece of the story, a $3,000 pink leather couch.

Mayor Dinkins fired Blackburne. (Imagine that? It sounds as if 1990 was a Golden Age of public rectitude in New York.)

In 2002, Blackburne fabulated a pretext to drop charges against a defendant charged with shooting a detective in 1999, ruling that he had been denied a speedy trial. “Police at the time accused her of being biased because she knew the shooter’s mother.

“Blackburne’s ruling was eventually overturned.”

And then on June 10, 2004, when Justice Blackburne learned that a detective was waiting to arrest a defendant in her courtroom (she presided that day in “drug court”) for robbery and assault, she committed the crime of obstruction of justice, through smuggling the criminal out of the courthouse, via a private, backdoor exit reserved for judges and court staff, in order to help the suspect thwart justice.

On June 13, 2006, the state’s highest court, the New York State Court of Appeals, found Justice Blackburne’s misconduct so egregious, that it removed her from the bench for misconduct.

“Petitioner’s conduct was unprecedented. We know of no instance in which a judge has facilitated the escape of an accused violent felon….

“In impeding the legitimate operation of law enforcement by helping a wanted robbery suspect to avoid arrest, petitioner placed herself above the law she was sworn to administer, thereby bringing the judiciary into disrepute and undermining public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of her court…. By interposing herself between the defendant and the detective, petitioner abandoned her role as neutral arbiter, and instead became an adversary of the police. This is completely incompatible with the proper role of an impartial judge.”

[“Matter of Laura D. Blackburne,” State Commission on Judicial Conduct, New York State Law Reporting Bureau, June 13/August 9, 2006.]

As with Laura Blackburne, aiding and abetting black criminals, in order to keep them out of jail, is what Eric Adams stands for. He calls helping black criminals, “police reform.”

Instead of being fired and prosecuted for his serial misconduct, Adams went onward and upward, from officer to sergeant to lieutenant to captain, an ascent which was greatly aided by slavish media coverage.

Every time Adams spoke in public, as the head of first the racially segregated, illegal, black supremacist counter-policeman gang, The Guardians, and then as founder and president of the racially segregated, illegal black counter-policeman gang, 100 Black Men in Law Enforcement Who Care, the media gave him slavish coverage. (All media references to the latter group cite it, even recalling its founding, as “100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care.” That was not its original name; Adams changed it a few years after founding it. Media references in recent years either plagiarized Adams’ official bio, or changed his organization’s name, in order to cover for him.)

Finally, in 2006, the “job” decided that Adams had gone too far. The official department story was that Adams was fired for misconduct, for publicly announcing at which subway stations police were searching bags for concealed weapons. Adams’ response amounted to, “You can’t fire me, I quit!” He then immediately ran for the New York State Senate, and won.

(To be continued.)