Re-posted by Nicholas Stix
The question historian Raymond Wolters asks is, “Why Have We Unlearned What We Knew in 1900?”
The answer is that Darwinism, like almost all aspects of American intellectual life, has been hijacked by Marxists (really, communists), while those claiming to be “conservatives” have submitted to them.
Most people who claim to believe in Darwin’s theory of evolution, have no idea what he wrote. They have been indoctrinated in pseudo-Darwinism their entire lives, since pre-K in school, and via all MSM.
“Pseudo-Darwinism” refers to the substitute for Darwinism that dominates the general public, schools, academia and the media. According to that fake school of thought, man is descended from apes, and the races are all equal.
One half of pseudo-Darwinism accurately represents actual Darwinism, while the other half completely contradicts it.
Pseudo-Darwinism is in complete control of university faculties, newsrooms, and public schools, because all of those institutions are in thrall to racial socialism, which is characterized by genocidal racism against whites, and atheism. Darwinism is an atheistic, secular religion.
Pseudo-Darwinists love their counterfeit version of Darwinism, because they are atheists who hate whites in general, and Christians in particular. They have expanded Darwin’s creation fairy tale (we descended form apes) to a CHON soup creation story. The universe was created out of nothing by a Big Bang, which then evolved into a soup of Carbon, Hydrogen, Oxygen and Nitrogen.
July 15, 2016
An eminent historian’s view.
Some years ago evolutionary psychologist J. Philippe Rushton asked me, as a historian, the following question:
Why have modern historians ‘unlearned’ so much that was known and understood in 1900? Why has knowledge about the evolutionary basis of race regressed while the understanding of other matters has increased?
I did not have a good answer at the time, but I’d like to try again. Let me begin with a brief summary of the prevailing wisdom of 1900. Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species was published in 1859, and by 1900 his theory of evolution had become the dominant opinion in academic and scientific circles. In 1900, most scholars understood evolution in terms of the sub-title of Darwin’s book: The Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.
Origin of Species maintained that evolution toward higher forms of life stemmed from adaptations to different environments and from conflict and competition that led to ‘‘survival of the fittest” (though it was the philosopher Herbert Spencer who coined that phrase). Darwin specifically applied this concept to mankind in his 1871 sequel, The Descent of Man. He wrote: “At some future period, not very distant as measured by centuries, the civilized races of man will almost certainly exterminate and replace the savage races throughout the world.” “Looking at the world at no very distant date, an endless number of lower races will be eliminated by the higher civilized races . . . .“
By 1900, Darwin’s prediction had been seconded by mainstream American writers and scientists. Novelist John De Forest (1826 – 1906) conceded that superior blacks might continue to dominate in some territories, “that portion being probably the lowlands where the whites cannot or will not labor.” But De Forest also predicted that what he called “the low-down Negro” would pass “into sure and deserved oblivion.” Francis Walker (1840 – 1897), a prominent demographer and economist, studied the census figures of 1870, 1880, and 1890 and concluded that the black population was already declining because black slaves had been freed and thrust into competition with white people. Lord James Bryce (1838 – 1922), a distinguished British student of the United States, seconded this opinion. Joseph Le Conte (1823 – 1901), a highly regarded biologist and geologist, summed up the Darwinian consensus: “The struggle for life and the survival of the fittest” were “applicable to the races of men.” The destiny of weaker varieties of humanity was either “extinction . . . or . . . relegation to a subordinate place in the economy of nature; the weaker is either destroyed or seeks safety by avoiding competition.”
The failure of Reconstruction had reinforced this consensus. After the Civil War, Southern blacks were enfranchised. Then, with cooperation from so-called Southern “scalawags” and Northern “carpetbaggers,” blacks became influential in the governments of several states of the former Confederacy. However, Reconstruction ended in the 1870s, most blacks were disfranchised, and by 1900 a great many whites, in the North as well as the South, considered Reconstruction to have been a failure. They attributed the failure to blacks’ presumed inability to restrain spending, balance budgets, or control crime.
According to historian George W. Stocking, Jr., “In turn-of-the [twentieth] century evolutionary thinking, savagery, dark skin, and a small brain and incoherent mind were, for many, all parts of a single evolutionary picture of ‘primitive’ man, who even yet walks the earth.” Darwinists believed there was a racial hierarchy–that evolutionary adaptations to different climates and environments caused human nature to differ somewhat from one continent to another. They thought blacks had proclivities toward crime, promiscuity, and sloth; and that these tendencies had to be held in check by white supervision.
Evolutionary psychologist Kevin MacDonald notes that:
The early part of the twentieth century was the high water mark of Darwinism in the social sciences. It was common at that time to think that there were important differences between the races–that races differed in intelligence and moral qualities. Not only did races differ, but they were in competition with each other for supremacy.
The eminent black historian and sociologist W.E.B. Du Bois recognized racial differences in behavior, but disagreed on the cause. In his famous study, The Philadelphia Negro (1899), he reported that blacks in Philadelphia, although only four percent of the population, committed 22 percent of the serious crimes. He also called attention to what he called “the unchastity of a large number of women.” “The great weakness of the Negro family,” Du Bois wrote, “is . . . lack of respect for the marriage bond. . . . . Sexual looseness then arises as a secondary consequence, bringing adultery and prostitution in its train.” In a talk to one group of blacks, Du Bois declared that “the first and greatest step [toward solving America’s racial problems] is the correction of the immorality, crime, and laziness among the Negroes themselves.”
At the same time, Du Bois shifted the paradigm by arguing that racial discrimination by whites was largely responsible for the condition of blacks. He emphasized that whites, because they established racial barriers to good jobs, were responsible for black failure. Du Bois did not ignore the weaknesses of blacks, but he emphasized the culpability of whites.
A century later, it is Du Bois’s view that prevails. Most people attribute racial disparities to the influence of history, culture, and discrimination. This is “the sovereign doctrine of twentieth century social theory,” naturalist E. O. Wilson has written, adding that this modern consensus eschews the importance of biology, pays “little attention to the foundation of human nature,” and has “almost no interest in its deep origins.”
George M. Fredrickson, who taught history at Stanford until 2002, acknowledged that earlier generations of scientists and scholars often mentioned evolution as the source of racial disparities, but he insisted they were motivated by racism. They “raised prejudice to the level of science; thereby giving it respectability.” Fortunately, Fredrickson wrote, in the 20th century there occurred a “fundamental change . . . in white racial thinking.” In “respectable” circles, “liberal environmentalism” emerged as a pervasive “racial creed,” and most mainstream social scientists now maintain that there are “no differences between the races which [are] likely to affect their social, cultural, and intellectual performance; all apparent differences [are] the result of environment.”
This is what I was taught when I was a student at Stanford and Berkeley from 1956 to 1965. My professors implied that with the right social reforms, ethnic and racial gaps could be abolished. They implied that emphasis on biology was a sign of bigotry. My professors subscribed to the blank-slate theory that all races of humanity have the same innate distribution of aptitudes and talent. One of my favorite professors, historian Kenneth M. Stampp, summed up the prevailing wisdom in a memorable sentence: “Negroes are after all only white men with black skins, nothing more, nothing less.”
What caused this turnabout? I believe four considerations are especially important. One is a phenomenon that has been called “Hitler’s posthumous revenge.” Then there is the logic and legacy of the civil rights movement. There was also a new pattern of thinking in social science. And, eventually, there were programs to re-educate–or indoctrinate–students.
I first became acquainted with the term “Hitler’s posthumous revenge” when I read Peter Brimelow’s 1995 book, Alien Nation. Mr. Brimelow noted that during the Second World War most Americans came to loathe Nazi Germany. After the war, the United States and its allies decided to put as much distance as possible between their nations and Nazism, which they came to define as the refusal to accept diversity. In retrospect, we can see that this set the stage for dismantling the existing particularisms in Western societies. Rejecting nationalism and distinctions between racial groups as retrograde–and even as akin to Nazism–eventually led to the Immigration Act of 1965. Repudiation of national traditions paved the way for massive immigration of non-whites into Europe as well as North America–immigration that is transforming and could ultimately destroy the victors in World War II. In the last few years, Angela Merkel has opened Germany to massive Third-World immigration as well, so the vanquished may be submerged along with the victors.
The Civil Rights Movement also led many whites toward egalitarianism and a hyper-critical attitude toward their ancestors. In some circles, this attitude has come to be known as “ethnomasochism.”
The Civil Rights Movement began long ago, but its high point came in the 1950s and 1960s, when blacks demanded the right to vote, an end to formal segregation, and the abolition of racial discrimination in public accommodations. Most white people thought these demands were reasonable, especially since civil rights leaders insisted that their movement be nonviolent and dignified. As journalist James J. Kilpatrick noted, for tactical reasons the leaders of the Movement emphasized the contrast between “well-dressed, studious blacks peacefully protesting” and violent mobs of whites, “a ragtail rabble, slackjawed, black jacketed, grinning fit to kill.” According to legal historian Michael Klarman, the freedom riders “count[ed] upon the racists of the South to create a crisis,” and black leaders “calculated for the stupidity of Bull Connor.” Conner did not disappoint. He and his police dogs became the most widely recognized symbols of white opposition to the Civil Rights Movement. Civil rights leaders carefully chose to hold demonstrations in areas where local authorities were likely to over-react. Sheriff Jim Clark of Selma, Alabama, was one of many examples. Meanwhile, the racial implications of evolution were relegated to a few scholarly journals and some small academic societies.
The roots of this new paradigm went deeper, however, back to the work of anthropologist Franz Boas, who was at Columbia University from 1896 to 1942. It was Boas who, more than anyone else, persuaded anthropologists and other social scientists that racial differences were not the result of genetic inheritance but were shaped by historical events.