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Tuesday, September 02, 2014

Washington Post Publishes Lying, Racist Rant on Ferguson by Tenured, Genocidal Black Supremacist

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix

At another site, a commenter argued that Anderson had “so much education,” but so little common sense. Actually, she has minimal education. All her degrees are in being a genocidal, black supremacist imbecile, as is her job.

In case a reader is tempted to say, “Aw, she’s just a specimen of tenuranus Africanus,” think again. This is the evil, seemingly insane fashion in which roughly 90% of blacks think in this country. They just don’t express themselves in the same way as Carol Anderson, who has fancier lies to choose from.
 

Ferguson isn’t about black rage against cops. It’s white rage against progress.
By Carol Anderson
August 29, 2014
Washington Post
5,000+ comments

Carol Anderson is an associate professor of African American studies and history at Emory University and a public voices fellow with the Op-Ed Project. She is the author of “Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941-1960.”

When we look back on what happened in Ferguson, Mo., during the summer of 2014, it will be easy to think of it as yet one more episode of black rage ignited by yet another police killing of an unarmed [sic] African American male. But that has it precisely backward. What we’ve actually seen is the latest outbreak of white rage. Sure, it is cloaked in the niceties of law and order, but it is rage nonetheless.

Protests and looting naturally capture attention. But the real rage smolders in meetings where officials redraw precincts to dilute African American voting strength [?] or seek to slash the government payrolls that have long served as sources of [show-no and no-show] black employment. [Who are these officials? I want to know, so I can honor them. Alas, they don’t exist.] It goes virtually unnoticed, however, because white rage doesn’t have to take to the streets and face rubber bullets to be heard. Instead, white rage carries an aura of respectability and has access to the courts, police, legislatures and governors, who cast its efforts as noble, though they are actually driven by the most ignoble motivations. [Unlike black supremacist rage?]

White rage recurs in American history. It exploded after the Civil War, erupted again to undermine the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision and took on its latest incarnation with Barack Obama’s ascent to the White House. For every action of African American advancement, there’s a reaction, a backlash.

[Translation: whatever whites do, they are evil. Conversely, whatever evil blacks do, they are saints… as long as they don’t show whites any humanity.]

The North’s victory in the Civil War did not bring peace. Instead, emancipation brought white resentment that the good ol’ days of black subjugation were over. Legislatures throughout the South scrambled to reinscribe white supremacy and restore the aura of legitimacy that the anti-slavery campaign had tarnished. Lawmakers in several states created the Black Codes, which effectively criminalized blackness, sanctioned forced labor and undermined every tenet of democracy. [Since we weren’t a democracy, how could lawmakers “undermined every tenet of” it?] Even the federal authorities’ promise of 40 acres — land seized from traitors who had tried to destroy the United States of America — crumbled like dust.

[That’s a lie (actually, it’s three lies in one sentence). “Federal authorities” never promised blacks “40 acres,” and never could have. Only Congress could have stolen Southern planters’ land, and given it to black freedmen. That too would have been illegal, but would have been fine with the likes of Anderson, who no doubt loves Robert Mugabe for stealing white farmers’ land in Zimbabwe.

It was the war criminal, Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman, who suggested stealing the former slavers’ land, and giving the freedmen “40 acres,” but he had no authority to do so, any more than he had the authority to commit the atrocities he’d committed during the war.

As for Anderson calling the Confederates “traitors,” while that condemnation has the shakiest of bases, the notion she implies, whereby the government can steal someone’s land, because he was a “traitor,” has no basis at all, except perhaps under Communism or Nazism.

But let’s go back to “traitors.” Anderson is sore that the federal government not only failed to steal the former slavers’ land, but didn’t engage in the genocide of the entire Southern slave-owner class. That is an African mentality, in its pure form. She surely supports the ongoing genocide in South Africa, and would likely deny that it is even being committed. If all South African whites are wiped out, will she instead say that they died from “typhoid”?]

Influential white legislators such as Rep. Thaddeus Stevens (R-Pa.) and Sen. Charles Sumner (R-Mass.) tried to make this nation live its creed, but they were no match for the swelling resentment that neutralized the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments, and welcomed the Supreme Court’s 1876 United States vs. Cruikshank decision, which undercut a law aimed at stopping the terror of the Ku Klux Klan.

Nearly 80 years later, Brown v. Board of Education seemed like another moment of triumph — with the ruling on the unconstitutionality of separate public schools for black and white students affirming African Americans’ rights as citizens.

[The Brown ruling was itself unconstitutional, violated all Supreme Court precedent, ignored the law, and was based instead on fraudulent “social science” and perjured testimony by “expert witness,” Kenneth Clark.]

But black children, hungry for quality education, ran headlong into more white rage. Bricks and mobs at school doors were only the most obvious signs. In March 1956, 101 members of Congress issued the Southern Manifesto, declaring war on the Brown decision. Governors in Virginia, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia and elsewhere then launched “massive resistance.” They created a legal doctrine, interposition, that supposedly nullified any federal law or court decision with which a state disagreed. They passed legislation to withhold public funding from any school that abided by Brown. They shut down public school systems and used tax dollars to ensure that whites could continue their education at racially exclusive private academies. Black children were left to rot with no viable option.

[First of all, the Brown strategy had nothing at all to do with getting black kids a quality education, and Anderson knows it. Southern school districts were building luxurious school buildings for black kids, but NAACP insurgents talked black communities into rejecting them.

Meanwhile, whites went broke, supporting their own private schools. Blacks could have done the same.

As Thurgood Marshal later confessed to his Supreme Court colleague, William O. Douglas, Brown was never about educational equality, but about taking over public institutions, and enslaving whites.]

A little more than half a century after Brown, the election of Obama gave hope to the country and the world that a new racial climate had emerged in America, or that it would. But such audacious hopes would be short-lived. A rash of voter-suppression legislation [lie; she just supports massive election fraud], a series of unfathomable Supreme Court decisions [?], the rise of stand-your-ground laws [she supports blacks murdering whites and the white-enough] and continuing police brutality [black supremacist fantasy] make clear that Obama’s election and reelection have unleashed yet another wave of fear and anger.

It’s more subtle — less overtly racist — than in 1865 or even 1954. It’s a remake of the Southern Strategy, crafted in the wake of the civil rights movement to exploit white resentment against African Americans, and deployed with precision by Presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. As Reagan’s key political strategist, Lee Atwater, explained in a 1981 interview: “You start out in 1954 by saying, ‘N-----, n-----, n-----.’ By 1968 you can’t say ‘n-----’ — that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like ‘forced busing,’ ‘states’ rights’ and all that stuff. You’re getting so abstract now you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things, and a byproduct of them is blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I’m not saying that.”

[The words are true, but she completely misrepresents what Atwater meant.]

(The interview was originally published anonymously, and only years later did it emerge that Atwater was the subject.)

Now, under the guise of protecting the sanctity of the ballot box, conservatives have devised measures — such as photo ID requirements — to block African Americans’ access to the polls. A joint report by the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund and the NAACP emphasized that the ID requirements would adversely affect more than 6 million African American voters. (Twenty-five percent of black Americans lack a government-issued photo ID, the report noted [lie!], compared with only 8 percent of white Americans.) The Supreme Court sanctioned this discrimination in Shelby County v. Holder , which gutted the Voting Rights Act and opened the door to 21st-century versions of 19th-century literacy tests and poll taxes.






The economic devastation of the Great Recession also shows African Americans under siege. The foreclosure crisis hit black Americans harder than any other group in the United States. A 2013 report by researchers at Brandeis University calculated that “half the collective wealth of African-American families was stripped away during the Great Recession,” in large part because of the impact on home equity. In the process, the wealth gap between blacks and whites grew: Right before the recession, white Americans had four times more wealth than black Americans, on average; by 2010, the gap had increased to six times. This was a targeted hit. Communities of color were far more likely to have riskier, higher-interest-rate loans than white communities, with good credit scores often making no difference.

Add to this the tea party movement’s assault on so-called Big Government, which despite the sanitized language of fiscal responsibility constitutes an attack on African American jobs. Public-sector employment, where there is less discrimination in hiring and pay, has traditionally been an important venue for creating a black middle class.

[Translation: The black middle class was created almost entirely out of show-no and no-show affirmative action jobs, which hired racist imbeciles, at the cost of qualified white applicants, and white net taxpayers.]

So when you think of Ferguson, don’t just think of black resentment at a criminal justice system that allows [?] a white police officer to put six bullets into an unarmed [sic] black teen. [Thus, white policemen have no right to defend their lives from murderous blacks.] Consider the economic dislocation of black America. Remember a Florida judge instructing a jury to focus only on the moment when George Zimmerman and Trayvon Martin interacted, thus transforming a 17-year-old, unarmed [sic] kid into a big, scary black guy, while the grown man who stalked [lie] him through the neighborhood with a loaded gun becomes a victim. [This was a big black supremacist talking point at the time. Black commenters on discussion threads depicted Zimmerman as following Martin around with his gun drawn.] Remember the assault on the Voting Rights Act. [What?! She just jumped form George Zimmerman “stalking” Trayvon Martin to the Voting Rights Act, in the same paragraph?!] Look at Connick v. Thompson, a partisan 5-4 Supreme Court decision in 2011 that ruled it was legal for a city prosecutor’s staff to hide evidence that exonerated a black man who was rotting on death row for 14 years. And think of a recent study by Stanford University psychology researchers concluding that, when white people were told that black Americans are incarcerated in numbers far beyond their proportion of the population, “they reported being more afraid of crime and more likely to support the kinds of punitive policies that exacerbate the racial disparities,” such as three-strikes or stop-and-frisk laws.

Only then does Ferguson make sense. It’s about white rage.

outlook@washpost.com

Read more from Outlook:

Black America and the burden of the perfect victim

The Talk — a poem inspired by Ferguson, Mo.





Still Blue
11:35 AM EST
Over 5k comments? It could only be expected that an article such as this would bring out every race-baiter on the interweb either denying that race is an issue or blaming the victim for his/her victimhood. It also seems to imply that the author struck a nerve. They "protest too much".

Over 150 years post-civil war and the more things change, the more they stay the same.

In 10 or 15 years when whites are the numeric minority in this country, what happens then? Do we go full on Apartheid? Haven't we done that already ala Jim Crow? It's really scary when you think about it.
 


NS: Your comment was at least as bad as the black supremacist screed published here, because while Anderson lied in everything she said, all you did, anonymous coward, was make carte blanche ad hominem attacks on thousands of commenters.

 


tb1956
11:34 AM EST
“Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown aren't poster boys. They were unarmed young black men who were killed respectively, by a white vigilante and a white police officer.”
 


NS: Trayvon Martin was a racist, aspiring black murderer, while Brown was apparently a racist, aspiring black serial killer. Martin wanted to murder George Zimmerman because Martin mistakenly identified him as white. Zimmerman was also getting in the way of Martin’s possible burglary. (While you have deliberately misrepresented Zimmerman as white.) Neither black felon was unarmed. Martin was using the ground as weapon, with which to beat Zimmerman to death. In Brown’s case, a 6’4” 292 lb. body is a weapon. Brown was also attempting to grab Officer Darren Wilson’s weapon, with which to murder him.

You leave no doubt that you believe—as did Martin and Brown—that blacks have a license to kill anyone they deem white, and that the latter have a duty to die.






Arnold_Layne
2:24 PM EST
Hahahaha. Oh god, this is pathetic. A dumb thug with a criminal record, who had just participated in a strong arm robbery, attacks a cop, and gets shot. Then his "supporters" all show up, and loot and burn the place. And this is white peoples fault? Are there secret white signs in black neighborhoods that say " go ahead, attack a cop, its ok!" What, exactly is next? Gravity? When a black person falls down will it be white peoples fault b/c of "gravity oppression" or "ignorance in the black community of gravity" while white privilege has allowed a deeper understanding of gravity and supposedly less injuries?

And if any of you are curious, google "1400 children raped" to see just how far the miserable left will go to promote their narrative, and just how ethical people like Carol and her friends really are.
2

bobthebrucie
2:12 PM EST
Carol - it's not clear where to start on your John Belushi like rant (see Animal House), but let's start with Connick v. Thompson. The SCOTUS held that the prosecutor's office was not liable for damages because an untrained prosecutor did not disclose exculpatory evidence. The SCOTUS did NOTrule that it was "legal" to withhold evidence.

SMS45
11:28 AM EST
The Ferguson PD has 26 times the percentage of officers under investigation for excessive force as the national average. The mostly white police force was responsible for there being more outstanding warrants than citizens. Not the kind of stats that would be tolerated in my town. Any wonder why a straw might break the camel's back?

http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/at-least-6-...
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/08/24/us/1...
4


Jack Foreigner
11:31 AM EST
Just 'cause someone complains don't make the complaint valid.

Look, no doubt police brutality exists and is prevalent. I agree there.

But the racism thing this essay observes is undermined by having poster boys like Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown. That's like complaining about discrimination against Muslims by citing Osama bin Laden and ISIS!!

tb1956
11:34 AM EST
Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown aren't poster boys. They were unarmed young black men who were killed respectively, by a white vigilante and a white police officer.


tb1956
11:30 AM EST
Joshdude1200, African Americans would like to have more control over their lives, particularly as regards to not getting shot by police. While Ferguson is 70% African American, its police force is predominantly white.

African Americans have been under siege in this country for the last 400 years. Yes, we have made progress, but we still have a long way to go.

I Wonder Where Indicted Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price’s Religious and Political Loyalties Lie

 


 

 

 

 

 

Ferguson isn’t about black rage against cops. It’s white rage against progress.

By Nicholas Stix

On Churches that Send Missionaries to Africa and Bring Africans Here—Instead of Helping Americans

By Nicholas Stix

At VDARE.

The Department of Justice is Giving Millions of Dollars that It Shook Down (Total: $16.6 Billion) from Bank of America to Racist Groups

By Prince George’s County Expat

The borrowers will soon become delinquent again, since they've proven they cannot manage their personal finances.
 

The Department of Justice is giving liberal activist groups money from a $16.6 billion settlement with Bank of America, Judicial Watch reports. The groups benefiting from the lawsuit, according to Investor’s Business Daily, are the National Council of La Raza…

Race Hoaxer Joyce Carol Oates Not Slowing Down

 

 

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix
 

Joyce Carol Oates not slowing down
By Meredith May
Published 5:26 pm, Sunday, March 3, 2013
San Francisco Chronicle

Joyce Carol Oates writes about a curse that descends on the elite of Victorian-era Princeton, N.J., in her latest book, "The Accursed," which she started in 1984.

Even as a small girl, there were signs that Joyce Carol Oates was going to become a writer.

She preferred reading over playing, and spent many hours with her Crayolas, drawing scenes from "Alice's Adventures in Wonderland."

"I loved reading, and the next logical step was to make up your own book," said Oates, who grew up to become not only a writer, but one of the most decorated and prolific chroniclers of 20th century America. Since the early 1960s, Oates's name has appeared on the cover of more than 50 novels, 25 short story collections, and several dozen plays, poetry books, essays and a handful of books for children.

"The most common misperception about me is that I write fast," said Oates, 74, in an interview in her hilltop garden overlooking UC Berkeley, where she is teaching this year, on paid leave from her longtime position at Princeton.

"I just write often. Every hour that I can."

Her latest novel, "The Accursed," might surprise Oates fans for its foray into the underworld of demons and vampires, lynchings and rape.

The 667-page book captures Victorian-era [sic] Princeton, N.J., when a nefarious curse descends on the town's elite in 1905, including former president Grover Cleveland and Woodrow Wilson, the president of Princeton University. [Queen Victoria died in 1901. If the SFC operative had seen The Shootist, she’d know that.] It's a gothic thriller, complete with a bride swept away from the altar by a shape-shifting demon.

Written in 1984, and then put away in a drawer, Oates returned to the book every five or six years for a rewrite, but kept wrestling with the narrative voice.

"I couldn't ever get beyond page 30," she said.

The book became her nemesis, the only one in her career that vexed her. Finally, in December 2011, she got an idea to recast the book about racism, and the privileged community's blindness to it.

In the opening scene, a young Latin teacher comes to Woodrow Wilson's university office at Nassau Hall to demand that he take a public stand against the recent lynching of a 19-year-old man and his pregnant, 23-year-old sister in nearby Camden.

Wilson brushes his visitor off.

Then characters start seeing the ghosts of their dead children. Wives start disappearing into horse-drawn chariots steered by demons. Children turn to stone, and snakes slither down the walls at the girls' school.

"The curse coincides with repression," Oates said. "All these responsible Christians should have come to the defenses of the 'negroes,' as was the term then, but they did nothing. They were cowards, or they tacitly agreed with what was going on."

Deftly, Oates pulls her story to the themes that have propelled her career: class struggle, the power and vulnerability of girls, and racism.

Her characters include a drunken, arrogant Jack London; a wife who uses her hypochondria to get out of Victorian conventions such as corsets and society parties; and "The Jungle" author Upton Sinclair, whose proletariat struggles provide political context for the plot.

Oates relied on the extensive Woodrow Wilson archives at Princeton for her research, and her area knowledge, as she drove by the very mansions and roads she was describing on her way to work.

"I have friends who live in one of Woodrow Wilson's former houses, where he used to escape from his wife and daughters into an amusing turret," Oates said. "Until recent years, his racism and sexism has been unexamined, because it didn't stand out. Everyone at the time was that way."

Her current novel, still untitled, is about race, and inspired by the true story of 15-year-old Tawana Brawley, an African American girl from New York who was discovered in 1987 to have falsely accused six white men, some of whom were police officers, of raping her.

It's an edgy topic, one Oates is a little afraid she'll "get in trouble for."

[Who is she kidding? She knows her propaganda will be perfectly pc, and she’ll be celebrated for it, as usual.]

"I wanted to write about the repercussions of a hoax," she said. "One of the accused committed suicide.

[Liar. Harry Crist Jr. was a Fishkill police officer who had committed suicide over his girlfriend leaving him and his failing the state police exam. Once Sharpton and Brawley learned of Crist’s suicide, they latched onto him, accusing him of having “raped” her, because he couldn’t defend himself. Thus, Oates reversed the causality.]

But the main character is sympathetic, too ... because of what she did just to feel the power to strike out."

Her non-writing moments are filled by deconstructing the short stories of Annie Proulx with her undergraduate fiction workshop at Cal, or taking hikes behind her rented Julia Morgan home with her second husband, Princeton neuroscientist Charles Gross.

She met Gross a year after her first husband, Raymond Smith, came down with pneumonia and died unexpectedly in 2008, which became the basis for her widely acclaimed memoir, "A Widow's Story."

It would seem that Oates, who has won the National Book Award and been nominated for it six times, received the lifetime achievement award from the National Book Critics Circle, and received the National Humanities Medal, the government's highest civilian honor for the arts, has earned the right to rest on her achievements.

But the word "retirement" causes her to recoil, as if she just saw one of the haunts in "The Accursed."

"Oh, no! I like to write. You wouldn't ever take a break from reading ... or dreaming."

Joyce Carol Oates: In conversation with former U.S. Poet Laureate Robert Hass. 7:30 p.m. Tuesday. City Arts & Lectures, Herbst Theatre, 401 Van Ness Ave., S.F. (415) 392-4400. www.cityarts.net. At Narrative Night San Francisco. 7 p.m. April 22, with Peter Orner, Ann Beattie, Tobias Wolff, Leah Garchik, to mark Narrative Magazine's 10th anniversary. Tickets start at $500. Jardiniere restaurant, 300 Grove St., S.F. narrativemagazine.com/night-2013.

Meredith May is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: mmay@sfchronicle.com. Twitter: @meredithmaysf


CNN Now Worried Ferguson Shooting Audio is Hoax

 
At Breitbart.

Thanks to my partner-in-crime, David in TN, who writes,
Now when have you used the word "Hoax" before? And in what context?

Experiencing Diversity in a National Park

 


 


By Nicholas Stix

At VDARE.

Evil Zillionaires Wage Humanitarian War on Europe; Who Will Shoot Down Their War Planes?

 

 

At VDARE.

The Newest Ferguson Racial Fairy Tale from Communist Berkeley Prof (Pardon the Redundancy): Racist Black Robbers, Would-be Cop-Killers, Rioters, Looters and Arsonists were Just Responding to Bad Municipal Election Scheduling, and Expressing Their Rage at the Lack of Sufficient Numbers of Black Policemen!

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix

Thanks to reader-researcher AL, who writes,

Lazy: It is not that the election is rigged as is suggested. It is because the local blacks are lazy and do not vote in local elections.

In the last local election only 6% of the blacks eligible to vote bothered to vote. Bothered.

As if it was some sort of terrible chore.

Since when do communists believe in free elections, in the first place? This complaint by Sarah Anzia is just blowing smoke. She can’t possibly be so stupid as to actually what she is asserting.
 

Sarah Anzia: Unfair election rules stack the deck against Ferguson's blacks
August 30, 2014 4:00 pm
Sarah Anzia | assistant professor of public policy at UC Berkeley and author of "Timing and Turnout"
The Cap Times
(2) Comments

Even after the unrest in Ferguson has subsided, we're left with questions about the tension that built up and exploded in the small St. Louis suburb. [What “tension”? A racist black thug and suspected murderer robbed a non-black merchant, and then tried to murder a white cop. When he failed, his black criminal comrades terrorized non-black merchants, as a show of support. None of these mopes would be voting, no matter what day municipal elections were held on. They probably didn’t even know who the mayor was, or who ran against him.] Among those questions: How did a city where two-thirds of the residents are black elect an almost entirely white city government? The answer is simple: Ferguson holds its city elections entirely separate from state and national elections, and that can make all the difference.

People rarely think about the timing of elections. But Missouri's election rules set the stage for the discontent that has tormented Ferguson recently. [Gimme a break!] The state requires its cities to hold elections in April, when there are no state or national offices on the ballot to draw voters to the polls. As a result, turnout is low. In Ferguson, turnout in the most recent election was an abysmal 12 percent, and best estimates indicate that white residents participate at much higher rates in the city's elections than black residents. [Thus, we must punish whites for being more civic-minded than blacks.] White residents were three times more likely to vote than black residents in the April 2013 municipal election, according to a Washington Post analysis of Catalist data. Suddenly, it is much less surprising that Ferguson has a white mayor, five out of six council members are white, and its 53-member police force has only three black officers.

[What does the make-up of the police force have to do with electoral results, as opposed to blacks not serving on the Ferguson PD because they are anti-law enforcement, too dumb to pass the exam, have no desire to deal with Ferguson’s black thugs (and thus get LEO work elsewhere, or are ineligible to apply, due to being convicted felons? But let’s linger by her claim that Ferguson’s blacks are upset at the lack of black local policemen. ]

The pronounced effects of off-cycle election timing extend far beyond Ferguson. Researchers Zoltan Hajnal and Jessica Trounstine have shown that cities with low turnout tend to elect fewer minority city council members.

[“Have shown”? As if this were something we needed “scholars” to “show”?!]

My own research [Ha, hah, ha! She’s just kidding, folks. Communists don’t do research.] has found that off-cycle election timing increases the political influence of various groups that are highly motivated and well-equipped to mobilize their supporters, such as teachers unions in school board elections and police officers and firefighters in city elections. For example, in school districts that hold off-cycle elections, teachers are paid significantly higher salaries than in school districts that hold on-cycle elections. Exactly who wins and who loses from off-cycle election timing differs from place to place, but when elections are off-cycle, small groups [like whites!] can have a big impact — and be rewarded handsomely with favorable public policies.

Moreover, the election timing rules of Missouri are not unusual. As of 2012, 21 states required all of their municipal elections to be held off-cycle, and almost all of the remaining states had at least some cities with off-cycle elections. A mere five states required that municipal elections be held on the same day as national elections. Off-cycle timing and low turnout in municipal elections are the norm in the United States — not the exception.

[She doesn’t realize that that refutes her thesis. She said that Ferguson’s riots were due to what she calls “off-cycle” elections. But if that were true, every city in America would be exploding, just like Ferguson.]

If Ferguson's elections were simply rescheduled to coincide with national elections, turnout in the city's races would more closely mirror the significantly higher turnout of national races. In California, turnout is a whopping 36 percentage points higher in cities that hold elections on the same day as presidential elections than in cities that hold off-cycle elections. In Minnesota, turnout is 22 percentage points higher in on-cycle school board elections than in off-cycle school board elections. Timing is the most important factor in explaining why turnout is low in some cities and high in others.

While rescheduling local elections would attract a broader, more representative slice of the eligible electorate, and drive policies that more closely reflect the preferences of citizens, there are some downsides. Off-cycle local elections became a standard during the early 20th century, when progressive reformers argued that local issues and policymaking are sufficiently different from state and national ones that the elections should be held separately. Combining local, state and national elections also creates significant administrative hurdles and exhaustingly long November ballots in even-numbered years. But the benefits of higher turnout and stronger local democracy far outweigh the costs of dealing with those hassles.

The solution may be simple, but the politics of changing local election timing is anything but. The groups that benefit from low turnout lobby hard to keep off-cycle elections in place — and thus to protect their advantage. And legislators charged with setting election schedules listen to those groups, because those on the other side — those who would benefit from a switch to on-cycle elections — are typically unorganized and inactive.

With the spotlight on Ferguson, people are calling for explanations. Ferguson's warped political structure can be largely explained by a simple electoral rule that locks in low turnout — not just in Ferguson, but in literally thousands of American municipalities and school districts. It is time for that to change.

Sarah Anzia is assistant professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley and the author of "Timing and Turnout: How Off-Cycle Elections Favor Organized Groups." This column first appeared in The Washington Post.

Guadalupe County, Texas: The Late Enebelio Garcia Brought a Knife to a Gun Fight

By A Texas Reader

The Texas Rangers are investigating the death of a man who was shot Friday evening while allegedly charging at Guadalupe County Sheriff's deputies with a hatchet-like tool. Enebelio Garcia, 45, was first pepper-sprayed by the deputies, but that didn't…

Monday, September 01, 2014

Whatchoo Lookin’ at? Man with Homicidal Hair-Do Arrested on Suspicion of Drunk Driving in Fort Worth

 

I was about to say that this is a gang-banger with a sense of humor, but then I took a look at his killer’s eyes, as cold and dead as a four-day-old mackerel. He probably wears that crazy hair-do as a provocation, to help him decide whom to murder next.
 

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix

Thanks to reader-researcher RC for this story.
 

Fort Worth police arrest driver with intimidating haircut
By Ryan Wood
11:23 a.m. CDT September 1, 2014
WFAA

FORT WORTH — A man arrested on suspicion of drunk driving has a scream-worthy haircut.

Norberto Barron-Melendez's booking photograph showed off a monster design shaved into his head. Two hands "grasped" the sides of Barron-Melendez's head. What appears to be the creature's face stared out from the man's forehead.

Fort Worth police arrested Barron-Melendez early Sunday morning for drunk driving after he was seen driving the wrong way at the intersection of Main Street and Long Avenue.

Memphis: Surveillance Footage Shows Blacks Brutally Beating 73-Year-Old Black Man; No Elderly White Men were Available

By David in TN

A 73-year-old black man beaten by the Usual Suspects. “The Community” is completely indifferent, as we've seen hundreds of times.

At Action News 5 - Memphis, Tennessee.

What Did Lee Atwater Really Say?

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix
 

What Did Lee Atwater Really Say?

By John Hinderaker
June 9, 2013
Power Line

I was blissfully unaware of Lee Atwater’s most famous quote (or alleged quote) until I ran across it in connection with Martin Bashir’s demented claim that Republican criticisms of the IRS are “racist.” Bashir explained that everything Republicans do or say is racist, regardless of whether there is any apparent connection to race. As authority, Bashir cited Lee Atwater, the most successful Republican campaign manager of his time. In Bashir’s words, “Mr. Atwater revealed how Republicans evolved their language to achieve the same [i.e., racist] purpose.” This is the quote that Bashir attributed to Atwater, from a 1981 interview:

You start out in 1954, by saying n*****, n*****, n*****. By 1968, you can’t say n*****, that hurts you, back-fires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states rights, and all that stuff and you’re getting so abstract. Now you’re talking about cutting taxes. We want to cut this is much more abstract than even the busing thing and a hell of a lot more abstract than n*****, n*****.

That strikes me as falling far short of the significance Bashir and other leftists have attributed to it, but I was curious enough to track down the original audio of the interview. You can listen to it at The Nation. It turns out that the Atwater quote is very famous indeed. The Nation tells us that it was used in at least ten books published in 2012 alone.

The audiotape is of a conversation between Lee Atwater and two men: Professor Alexander Lamis, who first quoted the now-famous paragraph in a book, and a second man named Saul. It is 41 minutes long, with occasional interruptions. The quality is sometimes poor, but it is generally easy to make out. The subject of the interview was contemporary politics in the South, and the main point that Atwater made is that race is no longer a major issue in Southern elections:

From 1954 through 1966, race was THE issue [in the South]. …

In 1980, I think the crucial thing in 1980 is, the two dominant issues in southern politics, which had been race and party–you had to be a Democrat to win–are pretty well resolved. And the main issues became the economy and national defense.

Atwater explained that the “Southern strategy” of the 1970s included, in his view, coded racism, but that there was no racial element in Reagan’s 1980 campaign:

So what you have is two things happening that totally washed away the Southern strategy, the Harry Dent type Southern strategy, and that is, that whole strategy was based, although it was more sophisticated than a Bilbo or a George Wallace, it was nevertheless based on coded racism. The whole thing, busing, we want a Supreme Court judge that won’t have busing, anything you look at can be traced back to the issue [of race], in the old southern strategy. It was not done in a blatantly discriminatory way.

But Reagan did not have to do a southern strategy for two reasons. Number one, race was was not a dominant issue. And number two, the mainstream issues in this campaign had been, quote, southern issues since way back in the sixties. So Reagan goes out and campaigns on the issues of economics and of national defense. The whole campaign was devoid of any kind of racism, any kind of reference. And I’ll tell you another thing you all need to think about, that even surprised me, is the lack of interest, really, the lack of knowledge right now in the South among white voters about the Voting Rights Act.

So the central point that Atwater made in the interview was the exact opposite of the proposition for which liberals have endlessly quoted him. Lamis, however, wanted to find some role, even if a modest one, for race:

Q: I’m just wondering how much residual there is called racism in the anti-government, anti-Washington, states rights, return to states rights, de-federalize, cut social programs–how much is a residual of the old days in the antipathy towards welfare programs, poverty programs, and other political, social, economic programs which give power to black folks, or poor folks…and it’s not purely southern, but the Legal Services Corporation giving problems to municipalities in Mississippi that want to gerrymander, and those types if things.

A: Well, sure, OK, but I think this, and don’t get me wrong. You go to these white country clubs and they’ll say, shit, I’m tired of them getting everything and all that. But the bottom line is, it’s a mainstream thing now. It’s not grounded in racism, as much as it is on account of the Network movie syndrome, I’m mad as hell and I’m not going to take it anymore. Now, statistically, the poor people, the people receiving all these things, are black. Now, some of the Southern stuff may still be racism, but it’s such a widespread thing now, I think it’s almost developing into a class struggle type issue rather than a racism issue.

Later in the interview, Atwater (a skilled blues guitarist who recorded with B.B. King) repeated his belief that race is no longer a significant element in Southern politics:

My generation will be the first generation of southerners that won’t be prejudiced, totally….But what I am saying is that that has really been sublimated by a bunch of other issues.

Atwater explained that white blue collar workers are (or were as of 1981) the South’s key swing voters. Until recently, the standard way to win their votes was via the race issue (a technique, by the way, that was pioneered and perfected by Democrats). But no more:

We’re leading up to my whole strategy in the deep south in 1980, which…the whole focus group in the south was that blue collar worker. Now that’s important when you tie it back to the racist thing, because he is also the guy who is most threatened by the black, and is also the most prone to be, quote, a racist. And until 1980, and a little bit in 1976, the race issue was how you approached that vote. Plus, the most conservative guy on fiscal matters always got his vote, and the toughest son of a bitch on foreign policy matters got his vote. …

Q: But [Reagan’s] not going to lose the south if he goes along with what the blacks want on voting rights, is what you’re saying?

A: That should be a thrust of his. In 1968, the whole southern strategy that Harry and those put together, the Voting Rights Act would have been a central part of keeping the south. Now they don’t have to do that. All you have to do to keep the south is for Reagan to run in place on the issues he’s campaigned on since 1964. And that’s fiscal conservatism, balancing the budget, cutting taxes, you know, the whole cluster, and being tough on national defense.

Lamis was obviously not a Reagan voter, and he pushed back against Atwater’s view that the Reagan campaign in the South was free of any racial element:

Q: But might there–I’m not saying that he does this consciously–but the fact is that he does get to the Wallace voter, and to the racist side of the Wallace voter, by doing away with legal services, by doing away with, cutting down on food stamps–

At this point, Atwater interrupted and gave his famous answer, portions of which have been widely quoted. Let’s parse it:

A: Here’s how I would approach that issue as a statistician, a political scientist–or no, as a psychologist, which I am not, is how abstract you handle the race thing.

It is not clear what Atwater meant by “abstract” here. In the context of everything else he has said about Southern politics, and about the fact that in 1980 the issues that dominated elsewhere–the economy and national defense–also dominated in the South, I think he meant something like “universal.” In other words, are appeals to white Southerners specifically based on race, in a way that historically would not have been attempted in other regions, or are they based on the same issues, promoted in the same language, as elsewhere in the U.S.?

In other words you start out in — now y’all don’t quote me on this–

Atwater apparently said “don’t quote me on this” because he was about to use the word “nigger.” Lamis quoted him anyway.

…you start out in 1954 by saying nigger, nigger, nigger. By 1968 you can’t say nigger, that hurts, there’s a backlash, so you say stuff like forced busing, states rights and all that stuff. And you’re getting so abstract now, you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all of these things you’re talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is, blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it, I’m not saying it.

This last statement is key, but is never quoted by liberals. Atwater has already said several times during the interview that race is no longer a significant element in Southern politics. Here, he specifically disclaims agreement with the proposition that Reagan’s policy positions contained a subconscious appeal to racial prejudice. That was Professor Lamis’s suggestion, not his. But he goes on to make the argument that even if some voters draw a subconscious connection between, say, cutting the food stamp program and race, the absence of any specifically racial appeal shows what a minor factor race has become in Southern politics:

But I’m saying that if it is getting that abstract and that coded, then we’re doing away with the racial problem one way or another. You follow me? ‘Cause obviously sitting around saying, we want to cut taxes, we want to cut this, and we want–is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than nigger, nigger. So any way you look at it, race is coming on the back burner.

Liberals like Martin Bashir cite this interview for the proposition that Republicans skillfully conceal appeals to racism in seemingly innocuous policy discussions. Obviously, Atwater said nothing of the sort. And he declined to agree with Professor Lamis’s suggestion that Reagan’s talk about cutting programs like legal services and food stamps “gets to” the racist side of the George Wallace voter, albeit unconsciously. “I’m not saying it.” What Atwater did say, repeatedly and unambiguously, is that racial prejudice no longer plays a significant role in Southern elections, and that Reagan won the South in 1980 on the same issues with which he swept the rest of the country: the economy and national defense. It requires a great deal of dishonesty to twist Atwater’s words into the exact opposite of what he actually said.

Listen Up, White Man! Pay Attention to the Black View on Whites’ Attempts to Help Blacks

By Nicholas Stix
 

Louis Alfred • Mix/Mastering Engineer, Producer at Music Production Engineer - Production Consultant

Are you born stupid or do you think the rest of the world is especially black people...because you don't use the words of race directly but come with a thinly veiled attempt at making race a subtext argument or issue in any way diminishes the impact?...Like major league pitcher its called a "fast ball" and that is what this is. The fact that you are trying to make it palatable is not nearly as ingenious as Mr. Atwater's. He doesn't get a "go pass" and you certainly don't. Liberals never got this wrong. The strategy in its passions is about race. At its genesis it is supported by the issue race and even if you try and change the window dressing on this "mutt" its still a dog and peripherally and collaterally race is involved. No need to "pad" the discussion if it wasn't about race the thrust of the message would be different. In english the queens english its called connotation. Leave the "Jedi" mind tricks to Obi Wan Kenobi. He was waaaay better at it.
Reply • Like • 2 • January 14 at 10:23am
 

N.S.: Were you born a racist, or did your parents raise you to be one?

I keep trying to explain to nice white folks what’s really going on. They keep thinking that it if they just ignore race, that racist scum like you will treat them with respect. I try to explain to them that mopes like you will just hate them, all the more, and seek to rape them and slit their throats.

Like I always say, everything I know about segregation and racial supremacism, I learned at the foot of blacks.

But I don’t go around saying, “Nigger, nigger, nigger, nigger,” not even in private, because I don’t want to sink to your level, Mr. Alfred. But there are different angles at work, here.

[Not that I’m even writing this for your sake, since you are beyond hope. Rather, I’m thinking aloud, for the sake of white readers who can still be saved.]

There are people who go around saying, “Nigger, nigger, nigger, nigger,” all day long, in public. Those are blacks. My experience is that at least half of the two million blacks in New York City say “nigger” 1,000 time a day, i.e., New York City blacks say “nigger” 1,000,000,000 times a day in public.

What sort of a group of people obsessively say the worst term about them? Only blacks.

What kind of group obsessively projects their own racism onto the very group that seeks to help them? Only blacks.

On the one hand, I don’t say “nigger” as a matter of manners and aesthetics. I can hear the black supremacist Alfred screaming, “What about as a matter of morality?!”

If black supremacists spend their days and ways, shouting “Nigger, nigger, nigger, nigger!,” then clearly this is not a matter of morality, though it may be one of power.

On the other hand, I have no doubt that if whites went around saying “Nigger, nigger, nigger, nigger,” that blacks would show them a great deal more respect than they presently do.

Thus, as a matter of means and ends, there is certainly an argument to be made for whites saying “nigger.”
 

Rob Bennett

A black colleague once told me that everyone's racist to some degree….
 

Louis Alfred •

Correction.....Everyone is prejudiced to varying degrees...everyone anyone can be a bigot.....RACISM....in the western hemisphere and on the continent of Africa...is a product of whites Americans and Europeans...>Africans have a cultural bias towards other Africans and certainly towards us we being looked down upon as "mutts" for having survived slavery. This I have found in encounters with some Nigerians. As far a Obama and race is concerned what these conservatives don't realize is they are regurgitating every attitude that was foisted upon leaders in the Civil Rights movement and any African American from Jesse Owens to the Tuskeegee Airmen to Jackie Robinson. If they aren't so racist if the characterization is so off the mark why do keep hearing the same garbage coming out of their mouths....politicians and "good ole' Amerikkkan [!] Patriots alike?...quick to quote King as of late but he also stood for some of the same issues they hate currently...sorry but the hypocrisy is staggering.

Dallas: Antonio Barrera-Hernandez Stabbed to Death Outside of North Oak Cliff Night Club

By A Texas Reader

In the heart of the barrio.

Police say Antonio Barrera-Hernandez was stabbed about 11:10 p.m. during a fight outside a night club in the 300 block of S. Beckley Ave., near the intersection of West Jefferson Boulevard. The 36-year-old was taken to Methodist Hospital, where he died.

No Rest for the Weary on Labor Day: 2 Dead, 22 Wounded in Holiday Weekend Shootings in Chicago

By A Texas Reader

At NBC Dallas-Fort Worth.

Obama Voters Anonymous (Cartoon)

 

Labor Day, 2014: Rick Santorum is Showing Signs of Immigration Sanity

 

 

By Nicholas Stix

At VDARE.

Sunday, August 31, 2014

Carjacking Victim Run Over, Stabbed Repeatedly in Lancaster: Sheriff’s Dept.

By RC

At KTLA.

Did Bill Clinton Convert Hillary from Strict Lesbianism to Bisexuality?

By Nicholas Stix

Does this man have magical powers?

At VDARE.

Stand with Rep. Steve King Against Dictator Obama’s Illegal Mass Amnesty

By Nicholas Stix


San Antonio: Another Raceless, Nameless Perp Sought in Double Shooting

By A Texas Reader

Which is a wee bit funny, as his photo is shown.

[N.S.: The EN’s overmatched editors were apparently caught between revisions. Just imagine what it must be like to be one of the SAPD’s “editors,” constantly having to convert rapes into misdemeanors, and murders into manslaughters?]
 

Man sought in shooting of two children
By Mark D. Wilson : August 30, 2014 : Updated: August 30, 2014 11:28pm
San Antonio Express-News
 

Photo By Courtesy SAPD
Suspected shooter Joe Ramos Mercado.
 

SAN ANTONIO — A man was on the run Saturday after two children were shot in the head during a domestic disturbance on the Southeast Side.

Both are expected to survive, police said.

The shooting happened about 1 p.m. in the 200 block of Anton Drive.

A boy, 6, and a girl, 11, were rushed to area hospitals with multiple gunshot wounds after shots were fired at a car in which they were sitting during an argument between their mother and a man with whom she was in a relationship.

Police were seeking Joe Ramos Mercado in connection with the shooting. He is described as in his 30s, about 5-foot-11 and weighing about 200 pounds.

The children and their mother weren't identified.

Police said a man had been arguing with the children's mother in the moments before the shooting.

The mother got into a tan Kia Forte with the children and attempted to leave. As she did, the man allegedly grabbed a handgun from inside the house and began firing at the vehicle with the woman and the children inside.

Witnesses reported hearing six to seven gunshots.

A neighbor who requested not to be identified said she saw the mother scream and run toward a nearby house with a child in her arms.

After firing on the family, police said, the man jumped into the Forte and fled on Anton Drive toward Goliad Road.

The girl was grazed on her head, among other wounds, but is expected to recover. She was taken to University Hospital.

Police said the boy was in critical condition and underwent surgery at San Antonio Military Medical Center shortly after the shooting.

When apprehended, police said, Mercado will face two counts of aggravated assault with a deadly weapon.

mdwilson@

express-news.net

Twitter: @MDWilsonSA

Ann Coulter and Her Christian Critics

Excerpted by Nicholas Stix

I planned to respond to my critics this week, but, unfortunately, there’s nothing to respond to. They call me names, say I’m cruel, malicious, not a Christian, compare me to Howard Stern and cite the titles of my books as if they are self-refuting. (Zippy, aren’t they?)

In other words, it feels like a book tour….

Read the whole thing at VDARE.

The War on Women (Poster)

 

Hispanic Man Killed in San Antonio Hit ID’ed

By A Texas Reader

“A man killed in a West Side home-invasion that police said appeared to be a “hit” has been identified. Cipriano Aguillar, 20, was shot to death in an apartment in the 2500 block of Suzette when two masked gunmen entered the apartment and opened fire….”

Cowardly Christians and Conservatism, Inc.

By Nicholas Stix

At VDARE.

The Obvious Solution to ISIS

 

“ISIS fighters hold their weapons as they stand on confiscated cigarettes before setting them on fire in the city of Raqqa,April 2, 2014. REUTERS/Stringer”
 

By Nicholas Stix

At Ex-Army Libertarian Nationalist.

Saturday, August 30, 2014

St. Louis Rams End Michael Sam Publicity Stunt, Cut Incompetent Activist; MSM Give Propaganda Cover for Move; Rams Coach Jeff Fisher Says All the Right Things

 

 

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix

I tried many times to get the URL to the page, but it kept freezing, which also occurred when I tried to leave comments. I left a few, but lost about 90 minutes of my life. The Houston Chronicle Web page is loaded up with bad script, which constantly caused my pc to freeze, even after shutting down Mozilla, and even shutting down and re-booting my pc altogether. At present, a bunch of militant homosexualist commenters have moved in, with their Orwellian tactics, claiming to care only about football, asserting that Sam was a serious prospect before he came out, and denouncing real fans for not caring enough about the game.
 

Rams cut Sam, 1st openly gay player drafted
By R.B. FALLSTROM, AP Sports Writer | August 30, 2014 | Updated: August 30, 2014 5:27 p.m.
AP-Houston Chronicle
Comments [over 100]



Former Missouri player Michael Sam watches pregame festivities before the start of the South Dakota State-Missouri NCAA college football game Saturday, Aug. 30, 2014, in Columbia, Mo. Sam, the first openly gay player drafted by an NFL team, was released by St. Louis Rams Saturday. (Photo by L.G. Patterson/AP)
 

[ST. LOUIS (AP) — The St. Louis Rams cut Michael Sam, the first openly gay player drafted by an NFL team. Coach Jeff Fisher repeated over and over that it was purely a football decision.

"I will tell you this: I was pulling for Mike," Fisher said at news conference on Saturday. "I really was, and I don't say that very often. Mike came in here and did everything we asked him to do."

The seventh-round pick has been forthright and confident as his progress was watched as closely as any rookie in the league. He has been cheered by athletes and celebrities. In the end, the defensive end couldn't make a team stocked with pass rushers and lost out to undrafted Ethan Westbrooks, who proved more productive and more versatile.

Sam still has a chance to get picked up by another team or to make the Rams' practice squad. Wherever he lands, Fisher said "there will be no challenge, no challenges whatsoever" for the team that signs him.

"He's not about drawing attention to himself," Fisher said. "He kept his head down and worked and you can't ask anything more out of any player for that matter."

[Right. He only made a national spectacle out of himself, in order to get himself drafted.]

On Twitter, roughly an hour after he was cut, Sam wrote "The most worthwhile things in life rarely come easy, this is a lesson I've always known. The journey continues."

He also thanked the Rams and city of St. Louis on Twitter, adding that he looks forward to a long and successful career.

Earlier Saturday, he attended Missouri's opener in Columbia, a 1 1/2-hour drive west on I-70 from Rams Park. He was introduced to the crowd in the end zone alongside defensive E.J. Gaines, a sixth-round pick who made the team.

Sam blew a kiss and waved to the crowd, then walked back to the sideline. He posed for a few pictures then started looking at his phone and headed for the locker room.

Fisher personally delivered the news to the 20 others released in meetings Friday and Saturday, but Sam learned via cell phone. Fisher plans to meet with Sam on Sunday.

"He said 'Yes sir,' and he said, 'I understand.' He said, 'Thanks for the opportunity,' and I said, 'Mike, I'm looking forward to visiting with you tomorrow,' and he goes, 'I am, too.'"

The Rams selected Sam, the SEC co-defensive player of the year at Missouri, with the 249th overall pick out of 256 overall. After he was picked, he kissed his boyfriend as a national television audience looked on, and arrived brimming with confidence and with a quick retort for anyone who contended he was in the NFL only because he came out.

["[H]e kissed his boyfriend as a national television audience looked on….” “He's not about drawing attention to himself.”]

Fisher was proud to have made the landmark pick, but he made clear from the start that he chose Sam because he thought he had the talent to make it.

[My b.s. detector just exploded.]

The cameras followed, but the extra attention did not seem to faze Sam or his teammates. Veteran defensive end Chris Long noted rosters are always made up of players from different backgrounds. Players said Sam was part of their family.

Fisher called the draft pick a "second historic moment" for a franchise that signed running back Kenny Washington in 1946 as the league's first black player in the modern era, but he was most interested in describing Sam as a way to upgrade the Rams' defense. So was general manager Les Snead, who referred to Sam after the draft as a "designated pass rusher." Sam shed weight to be faster for special teams duty, reporting at 257 pounds, but Fisher said after the preseason opener that Sam would have to make the team based on defensive end play.

Sam had a sack in that game and said afterward, "You know, I can play in this league. I can play in this league."

Sam came out publicly following his final season at Missouri, though he had told his teammates before it began. The Tigers went on to tie a school record with 12 wins. Sam had 11 1/2 sacks and the lightly-regarded Tigers won the SEC Eastern Division, a huge step forward after going 5-7 during the first season in their new conference.

"If you look at our season, it didn't hurt us at all," recalled cornerback E.J. Gaines, a fellow rookie and former Missouri teammate. "If anything, it brought us closer."

Sam was lightly regarded out of Hitchcock, Texas, a town of about 7,000 along the Gulf Coast about 40 miles southeast of Houston. His first two years at Missouri, Sam backed up Aldon Smith and Jacquies Smith, both of whom are in the NFL.

From the start, teammates seemed to like having Sam around. [Who are you kidding?!] His energy was infectious and, if there were problems, they stayed behind closed doors. Publicly, Sam was just another late-round pick trying to make the Rams, which, like other NFL teams, held sensitivity training [!] early in camp. The Oprah Winfrey Network put off a planned documentary on Sam, saying it would allow him to focus on his dream of making the team.

At one point, Sam's Rams jersey was the No. 2 seller among rookies online, trailing only Cleveland's Johnny Manziel, and Sam was among just 10 draftees selected by the NFL to be featured on commemorative coins. Sam headed to the ESPY Awards to pick up the Arthur Ashe Courage award. He got a hug from Hall of Famer Jim Brown on his way to the stage and fought back tears throughout his speech. [Jim Brown: Still a cancer on the NFL.]

He told the audience: "Great things can happen when you have the courage to be yourself."

As Reward for Corrupting Her Own Corruption Prosecution of Black Supremacist Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price, Obama and Holder Appoint Affirmative Action Mediocrity Sarah Saldana to New Job, Tasked with Subverting the Nation’s Immigration Laws

 

 

 

[Previously, at WEJB/NSU:

“Black Supremacist Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price Has a History of Racist Violence While in Office.”]
 

By A Texas Reader

No bias here, right?

A token Mexican with a federal government job moves to another federal government job? And her new job is charged with enforcing this country's immigration laws, i.e., forcibly deporting millions of her fellow La Raza parasites.

Not only this, but the federal prosecutor's Dallas office has botched the investigation into the corruption of Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price.

Everyone in Dallas knows Price is just as corrupt as Ray Nagin, former mayor of New Orleans.

Ditto Kwame Kilpatrick, former mayor of Detroit.

So, why the delay in Price's trial date?

[N.S.: John Wiley Price is the most notorious black supremacist in Dallas. I am convinced that he is a member of the genocidal Nation of Islam.]
 

“Dallas prosecutor Sarah Saldaña is headed for one of toughest federal jobs.”

New York Mets Skipper Terry Collins: With the Steady, Deliberate Approach that We (GM Sandy Alderson and Me) are Taking, We Expect the Team to be a Contender by the 2034 Season

 

Mets GM Sandy Alderson, left, and Terry Collins
 

By Nicholas Stix
 
Video here.

Allah is Great! It’s National Bacon Day!

By Nicholas Stix
 

 

Nothing brings different faiths and cultures together, like bacon!
 

 

Give your sweetheart roses!
 

About 50 lbs. of holiness!
 

A devout Moslem brings out the holiday sacrifice
 

Moslem Baconites prostrate themselves in Midtown Manhattan, in celebration of Bacon Day!
 


If Mohammed were still alive, he’d eat a pound of bacon today, in celebration of the holiest day of the year!
(From the Jyllands-Posten)

Why Malls Die

By Robert Schöpfer Oculus III
May 17, 2012

[Re: “Dallas Mall Seeks to Cheat Death.”]
 

NorthPark mall is perhaps the finest indoor shopping mall in America, and it has long been a haven of calm, couth, and civilized behavior. But once the local transit authority built a light rail station nearby, the mall has been suddenly flooded with packs of cruising Negroes.

And, as always, Negroes = Trouble.

You have to understand the demographics of Dallas to get the true impact of this story. NorthPark is the Vatican of White Dallas. It is the last refuge of the White World, the last place a white Dallasite could go to escape the creeping horror from the south side of town. It is populated mainly by upper-class white ladies of the Junior League type, clean-cut white professional men, and the creamy-skinned, blonde-haired, white honey-pie daughters of same.

And then the authorities built a high-speed rail line linking this oasis of White civilization with the darkest heart of Ooga-Booga Land. Imagine running a pipeline for raw sewage into Saint Peter's and you'll get the impact the rail station has had on NorthPark.

But the 'Park is a high-end outfit. The tenants are Barneys, Neiman's, Nordstrom, Tiffany, and lots of high-end boutiques. The people that shop there are not Wal-Mart customers. They are not used to Negro behavior. They live in all-white enclaves and send their kids to all-white schools. To them, blacks are either Cool, like the models in the Italian suit ads they see in Town & Country; Cute, like the artfags, gay Negroes, and clowns they see at gallery shows, in chic clubs, and on TV; or they are Cowboys -- that is, professional athletes. The typical NorthPark shopper knows only the "theoretical Negro," the Negro that they have experienced second-hand. They have no knowledge of what American black people are really like.

And now they are finding out. Hence, the new rules.

There was once a time when Dallas whites could have pulled off a gimmick like this policy. The cops and judges were all white, after all, and the local media could be counted on to look the other way. Those days are over. You can expect to see protests, marching, and Angry Negroes on TV demanding an end to this "outrage" any day now. Local professional rabble-rouser John Wiley Price will attack some North Dallas soccer mom's SUV as she pulls into the parking structure. A visit from the Rev. Al, the Rev. Jesse, and the SPLC may follow. The media will descend on the story of the "Mall That Hated Black People" like a flock of vultures.

And the next thing you'll see is the white owners of NorthPark on TV, announcing the end to this "misguided and unfair" policy, and sacking the ceremonial Fall Guy.

And then NorthPark will go the way of Red Bird Mall, Town East, Valley View, Vista Ridge, and so many other area shopping centers: it will be overrun by Negroes, then by cholos, then by tweakers. The fights come next. Then somebody gets shot. Barneys, Neiman's, Nordstrom and Tiffany decamp for Allen or McKinney, or whatever small town the white people are fleeing to.

And finally NorthPark will die. Its corpse may live on as Plaza de la Raza or Saigon Shopping City, but the NorthPark we all knew, loved, and grew up in will be dead and gone.

Because of Negroes. Because we wouldn't keep out the Negroes.

Black Supremacist Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price Has a History of Racist Violence While in Office

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix

Of course, his violent assaults and batteries against whites just make him all the more popular among his black supremacist constituents.
 

Today in Dallas photo history – 1991: County Commissioner John Wiley Price involved in downtown scuffles

By Jerome Sims / Photo Librarian
jsims@dallasnews.com
7:00 am on August 2, 2013
Dallas Morning News

 

Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price is held by Dallas Morning News security guard Clayton Leffall as jogger Larry Buck sits on the curb at Young Street on Friday after a scuffle. TDMN staff photo by Richard Wright

From The Dallas Morning News, August 3, 1991

PRICE INVOLVED IN 2 FIGHTS – MAN’S ANKLE BROKEN; CHARGES MAY BE FILED by Steve Scott
Dallas County Commissioner John Wiley Price was involved in two altercations Friday afternoon that could result in the filing of assault charges against him. A man involved in one of the fights suffered a broken ankle.

The man, a carpenter, was working on a movie set at the Dallas County Administration Building at the time. The fight started after Mr. Price and workers argued over construction equipment that was blocking the street.

That incident occurred about 90 minutes after Mr. Price fought with a jogger during a protest outside the offices of WFAA-TV (Channel 8) and The Dallas Morning News.

[Price doesn't "fight" with whites, he sucker punches or jumps them.]

Both men said they wanted to press charges against Mr. Price, but police were investigating the incidents and said they probably wouldn’t decide until next week whether to file assault charges against the commissioner.

Tim Short, a carpenter on the set of the movie Ruby, was released from Baylor University Medical Center Friday evening after treatment for a broken right ankle, a sprained right thumb and cuts and bruises, hospital officials said.

 

Mr. Short and Mr. Price have words. TDMN archive photo [That would presumably be before Price broke Short's ankle.]
 

That incident began shortly before 1:30 p.m. as Mr. Price stopped his car on Elm Street while movie workers moved materials and equipment out of his way. Mr. Price said he had to slam on his brakes when a workman sawing wood in the street stuck out a board.

“The guy didn’t say “excuse me’ or nothing,’ Mr. Price said.

After parking his car on an adjacent lot, Mr. Price approached the men. Accounts of what happened next differ.
Mr. Short, 32, said he tried to intervene when Mr. Price and another construction worker began arguing about the equipment.

“I tried to tell him we’re not a problem, that we’d get out of his way,’ Mr. Short said. “But Price pushed me forward and started choking me.’

Mr. Price said the workers attacked him.

“I went around there to talk to them about blocking the street, and they advanced on me,’ Mr. Price said.

The commissioner said that one worker attacked him, and that he grabbed the man by the neck and rammed him into the sidewalk. A second worker then grabbed Mr. Price, and the man he was holding tried to knee him in the groin, the commissioner said.

“I just came unglued and started punching and kicking,’ Mr. Price said. “The fight was on.’

Employees in Mr. Price’s office who said they witnessed the fight said several of the men were on top of Mr. Price. They also said the movie workers had “mouthed off’ to the commissioner as he waited in his car for them to move the material and again when he approached them.

“I wasn’t really paying any attention to that,’ Mr. Price said. “I started paying attention when they advanced on me.’

However, Mr. Short said the commissioner accused the workers of being white racists and shouted profanities at them. Mr. Price then began choking and punching him, Mr. Short said. He said a woman with Mr. Price hit him over the head several times with a purse.

“They kept backing up and it threw me into the curb,’ Mr. Short said. “That’s when I heard my ankle snap.’

Bruce Richardson, an artist on the movie set, said the two-term commissioner was angry as he approached Mike Fisher, the production company foreman, and began to argue with him. He said Mr. Short tried to persuade Mr. Price to leave Mr. Fisher alone.

“He (Mr. Price) lunged into him and started choking him,’ Mr. Richardson said. “He (Mr. Price) put him in a choke hold and they were wrestling all over the ground. Price’s people kept yelling, “Come on, John, stop it.’ ‘

Court records show that Mr. Short was arrested on charges of aggravated assault and aggravated assault with a deadly weapon in 1977 but that the charges were dismissed. He received a probationary 60-day jail sentence for theft in 1977 and was found not guilty on a 1981 assault charge.

Mr. Short could not be reached to comment on those incidents.

Police said they did not arrest Mr. Price after the confrontation because they didn’t fear he would flee and were unclear of the circumstances of the fight.

Police Lt. Kirk Stewart said felony assault or Class A misdemeanor assault charges could be filed, depending on the severity of Mr. Short’s injuries.

The distinction between felony and misdemeanor charges could be significant because state law bars convicted felons from holding elective office.

The main difference between the charges is the degree of injury. According to statutes, felony aggravated assault may be charged when the victim receives a “serious bodily injury,’ defined as an injury that poses “a substantial risk of death or that causes death, serious permanent disfigurement, or protracted loss or impairment of the function of any bodily member or organ.’

“I guess a broken ankle could be serious bodily injury,’ said Assistant District Attorney Mike Gillett, noting that there are numerous cases interpreting the meaning of that phrase.

Additional charges alleging assault of another construction worker involved in the fight also could be filed against the commissioner, Lt. Stewart said.

Police also may file assault charges against Mr. Price in connection with the earlier incident involving a jogger Friday during the protest outside WFAA and The News. Mr. Price and supporters have been demonstrating almost daily outside the television station, which they accuse of insensitive news coverage and discriminatory hiring and promotion practices.

The jogger, Larry Buck, 40, of Lancaster said he was tackled and beaten by Mr. Price as the jogger ran through a group of pickets on Young Street in front of the newspaper.

“I saw a big circle and a big gap (in the crowd), and joggers don’t like to take any extra steps, so I just tried to go through the gap,’ Mr. Buck said immediately afterward. “Mr. Price then body-slammed me to the ground. . . . He attacked me for no good reason.’

Some protesters said the jogger started the incident.

“The guy tried to run over our children,’ said the Rev. Robert Hadley, past president of the Dallas chapter of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. “He almost ran over me. I ducked out of the way, and he ran into John.’

Mr. Buck, who said he regularly jogs past the building, said Mr. Price should have let him pass through the picket line.

“He had no reason to do that,’ said Mr. Buck. “They have no right to block the sidewalk. I am going to press charges against him.’

Mr. Buck was not seriously injured.

Mr. Price is appealing a February conviction on misdemeanor criminal mischief charges. That stemmed from a Dec. 7 incident in which he damaged the windshield wipers of a Plano woman’s van during a demonstration at the Dallas offices of KXAS-TV (Channel 5).

Last summer, Dallas police Officer Robert Bernal accused Mr. Price of threatening him with a submachine gun after the officer shouted an obscenity at the commissioner. The two men later apologized to each other, and no criminal charges were filed.

Staff writers Al Brumley, Todd Copilevitz, Joseph Palmore, Jason Reid and Pete Slover and The Associated Press contributed to this report.

The Degeneracy of Conservatism

By Nicholas Stix

At Ex-Army Libertarian Nationalist.

Fred Siegel on the Moral Bankruptcy of the War on Poverty

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix
 

Fred Siegel
The Poverty of Benevolence
Fifty years of the Great Society have made things worse for blacks, not better.
2 July 2014
City Journal
 

Please Stop Helping Us: How Liberals Make it Harder for Blacks to Succeed, by Jason Riley (Encounter Books, 205 pp., $23.99)

A half-century ago, the Great Society promised to complete the civil rights revolution by pulling African-Americans into the middle class. Today, a substantial black middle class exists, but its primary function has been, ironically, to provide custodial care to a black underclass—one ever more deeply mired in the pathologies of subsidized poverty. In Please Stop Helping Us: How Liberals Make it Harder for Blacks to Succeed, Jason Riley, an editorial writer for the Wall Street Journal who grew up in Buffalo, New York, explains how poverty programs have succeeded politically by failing socially. “Today,” writes Riley, “more than 70 percent of black children are born to unwed mothers. Only 16 percent of black households are married couples with children, the lowest of any racial group in the United States.” Riley attributes the breakdown of the black family to the perverse effects of government social programs, which have created what journalist William Tucker calls “state polygamy.” As depicted in an idyllic 2012 Obama campaign cartoon, “The Life of Julia,” a lifelong relationship with the state offers the sustenance usually provided by two parents in most middle-class families.

Riley’s own life experience gives him powerful perspective from which to address these issues. His parents divorced but both remained attentive to him and his two sisters. His sisters, however, were drawn into the sex-and-drug pleasures of inner-city “culture.” By the time he graduated from high school, his older sister was a single mother. By the time he graduated from college, his younger sister had died from a drug overdose. Riley’s nine-year-old niece teased him for “acting white.” “Why you talk white, Uncle Jason?” she wanted to know. She couldn’t understand why he was “trying to sound so smart.” His black public school teacher similarly mocked his standard English in front of the class. “The reality was,” Riley explains, “that if you were a bookish black kid who placed shared sensibilities above skin color, you probably had a lot of white friends.”

The compulsory “benevolence” of the welfare state, borne of the supposed expertise of sociologists and social planners, undermined the opportunities opened up by the end of segregation. The great hopes placed in education as a path to the middle class were waylaid by the virulence of a ghetto culture nurtured by family breakdown. Adjusted for inflation, federal per-pupil school spending grew 375 percent from 1970 to 2005, but the achievement gap between white and black students remained unchanged. Students at historically black colleges and universities, explained opinion columnist Bill Maxwell, “did not know what or whom to respect. For many, the rappers Bow Wow and 50 Cent were as important to black achievement as the late Ralph Bunche, the first black to win a Nobel Peace Prize, and Zora Neale Hurston, the great novelist.”

“Why study hard in school,” asks Riley, “if you will be held to a lower academic standard? Why change antisocial behavior when people are willing to reward it, make excuses for it, or even change the law to accommodate it?”

In the 50 years since the start of the Great Society and the expenditure of more than $20 trillion to alleviate poverty, millions of newcomers have entered America from Asia and from Africa. They generally arrived in poverty and have improved themselves by dint of self-help and hard work—those boring middle-class values that President Obama’s mentor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, denounced so strenuously. But if, as Riley demonstrates, the Great Society programs have failed in conventional terms, they have been an overwhelming political success. Together, government workers and the recipients of government benefits make up a formidable voting bloc. Yet their very political success may also prove their undoing: President Obama’s share of the African-American vote increased between 2008 and 2012, but during that period, blacks’ share of the national income declined and their unemployment rate increased.

“Everybody has asked the question,” Frederick Douglass said in an 1865 speech, “‘What should we do with the Negro?’ I have had but one answer from the beginning. Do nothing with us! Your doing with us has already played the mischief with us. Do nothing with us! If the apples will not remain on the tree of their own strength, if they are worm-eaten at the core, if they are early ripe and disposed to fall, let them fall. . . . And if the Negro cannot stand on his own legs, let him fall also. All I ask is, give him a chance to stand on his own legs!” A century and a half later, Jason Riley echoes that advice.

Fred Siegel is a City Journal contributing editor and the author of The Revolt Against the Masses.