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Monday, January 16, 2017

The So-Called Civil Rights Movement was a Bought-and-Paid-for Communist Front (Alan Stang)


[Next chapter: "The King of the Eskimos: Martin Luther King Jr.’s Communist Associates (Alan Stang)".]
 

Re-posted by Nicholas Stix
 

Excerpted from: It's Very Simple: The True Story of Civil Rights
By Alan Stang

Chapter Nine: Life Among the Eskimos


[I am] sick and tired of people saying this movement has been infiltrated by Communists and Communist sympathizers.

There are as many Communists in this freedom movement as there are Eskimos in Florida.1 ----The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

William Z. Foster and Gus Hall and other leading Communists have gone to great trouble to make clear not only that there is no
contradiction between the two tactics the Communists in Moscow have developed for use in the United States--"self-determination" and "civil
rights"--but that the two complement and reinforce each other and are in essence one and the same:

Let me sum up on this general point [says Foster], that is, the orientation of the Negro people is first, toward full participation and full equality in American life, and second, toward the development of their national consciousness. Comrade Ed Strong made a good contribution when he stressed the basic harmony between these two streams of courses of development . . .2

. . . Each influences the other [says Gus Hall] . . . Thus, the struggles for full equality of the Negro national minority and the
struggle for national liberation of the oppressed nation are very closely interlinked.3

In the North the slogan for equal rights will be the basic slogan [explains Communist official William L. Patterson]. A major feature of
the program in the North must be the struggle to destroy the ghetto. .
. We must smash the ghetto. The ghetto is tied to the South and to the issue of the right of self-determination.4 (Italics added)

How, one wonders?

". . . These are the people who are ready for revolution--any kind of revolution . . ." says Professor Lincoln about the Black
Muslims. "Furthermore, in the segregated Black Ghetto, the illusion of a 'Black Nation' within a surrounding and hostile 'white nation' takes on a semblance of reality . . ."5

So what is the nature of "the basic harmony between these two streams of courses of development," as Foster so clearly puts it?

The vast bulk of American Negroes merely aspire to precisely the same rights as other Americans [says C. L. Sulzberger] .
. . North American extremism is of real danger only if existing injustices are not rectified in time.

However, should there be no prompt reform, the United States could see hideous racial quarrels on a scale hitherto unimaginable.6

". . . On fund-raising missions to corporate boards, Whitney Young, Jr., executive director of the National Urban League, poses these
alternatives; invest in positive assistance--or risk hostility and growing strength for the Muslims . . ."7

In 1963 he made the same prediction.

"Unless we do something, the Negro in the future will no longer react with resignation but with bitterness and hostility."

And those are the ingredients of trouble. "We're liable to get some real violence--in Chicago, in Detroit, in New York," Young predicts
gloomily . . .8

So what should we do?

The white leadership must be honest enough to grant that throughout our history there has existed a special privileged
class of citizens who received preferred treatment. That class was white. Now we're saying this: if two men, one Negro and one white, are
equally qualified for a job, hire the Negro.9

"The fundamental policy of a Soviet Government with regard to the Negro generally would therefore be to creat even relatively greater
opportunities for advance and progress for the Negro than for the white. Special emphasis would be placed upon training more Negro
skilled workers . . . A Soviet Government must confer greater benefits upon the Negroes than upon the whites, for the Negroes have started
with less . . ."10

As long as we are not allowed to establish a state or territory of our own [says Mr. Muhammad] we demand not only
equal justice under the laws of the United States, but equal employment opportunities--NOW!

. . . The United States government should provide, free, all necessary text books and equipment, schools and college buildings . . .11

So what Mr. Muhammad wants is more and more civil rights, until he gets the "separation." In fact, once he gets the separation--from a government that has been grabbed by civil rights--".
. . We belive that our former slave masters are obliged to maintain and supply our needs in this separate territory for the next 20 to 25
years--until we are able to produce and supply our own needs."12

"Thirdly, there would be even greater aid from the Central Soviet Government of the United States. . ." The Negroes in a Soviet America

So it turns out that even Mr. Muhammad isn't completely opposed to civil rights. Muhammad Speaks for January 31, 1964, hails the CORE attempt to "integrate" the staff of the Jefferson Bank and Trust Company in St. Louis.14

And in an editorial in July, 1962, we read:

Muslims certainly have no opposition to the program and policies of the NAACP . . .

There is much to be admired in the heroic struggle waged by the NAACP since the days of its formation against incalculabe odds. Many
NAACP leaders, nationally and locally, are men and women of high intelligence and integrity.15

"If one can't gain objectives through mediation, if one can't gain objectives after a riot," explains the Rev. Milton Galamison, leader of the New York school boycott, "then all these things may become a Sunday school picnic by comparison to what people are going to do in order to get their grievances remedied."16

And so the point is, as Professor Lincoln suggests, that "Muslim extremism may even rebound and actively assist the forces of
integration. It may, for example, force a white reappraisal of other protest organizations, such as the NAACP which are now widely resisted
as 'too pushy' or 'radical.' . . ."17

Let's sum up: There are in the United States two kinds of "Negro Leaders": the violents, and the "nonviolents." The violents want to
destroy the Unted States and set up their own nation on part of it. All the nonviolents want is integration.

Americans of all colors are going to get one or the other, they are told, so they'd better take the integration. If they don't, they'll get the self-determination, and that's bound to be unpleasant. In other words, if the violents make a riot, and the nonviolent Rev. Galamison doesn't get what he wants, the violents will probably make a bigger riot.

If you wanted to define in one word you'd pick the word "extortion."

What is important to observe is that the two strategies advance like legs on the same man. Left to themselves, the violents would
probably fall on their collective face just because they are
violent, and it's therefor easier to tell what they are actually all about. And the nonviolents would collapse because they would lack the
violence to back threats. But notice that when you put the two together, they both get progressively violent, or less and less
nonviolent--but the nonviolents in comparison always look like moderates.

Roy Wilkins begins to sound like President McKinley, because a Malcom X sounds like Attila the Hun.

And Jesse Gray begins to sound like Malcolm X.

On June 28, two weeks before he arrived in Cairo to attend that meeting of the Organization for African Unity, Malcolm formed a
revolutionary group called the Organization of Afro-American Unity, with himself as chairman. As members of the OAAU braintrust, Malcolm
named Rev. Albert Cleage, leader of the Michigan Freedom Now party; Gloria Richardson, leader of the Freedom Now movement in Cambridge,
Maryland; Lawrence Landry, Chicago school boycott leader; John Lewis, head of the Student Nonviolent Cooridinating Committee; and Jesse
Gray--all practicing non-violents.18

As we have seen, Malcolm X has become the leading symbol of the violents.

And the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. has become the leading symbol of the non-violents.

In fact, we are told, the Rev. Dr. King is the only man who can save us from Malcolm X.

And so the question arises: What was the relationship, if any, between Malcolm and the Rev. Dr. King?

What sort of person is the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.?

In November of 1938 the Communist party formed an organization called the Southern Conference for Human Welfare.19
Rob Hall, then secretary of the Alabama Communist party, tells how "our comrades . . . naturally watched the conference preparations closely and helped wherever possible."20

SCHW was what is known as a Communist front. Early in their movement, the Communists came boldly out as Communists--possibly
because they assumed that other people couldn't wait to join up. But it turned out that other people were not interested. In fact, it turned out that most people by far of every race and country are thoroughly decent and want no part of criminal communism. As Political Affairs said:

To the extent that we aroused enthusiasm among the Negro people, it was largely in spite of, not because of our
over-simplified presentation of the right of self-determination. Anyone who has worked in the South must realize that our presentation of this right for the most part had only the effect of puzzling and confusing the Negro people who followed our movement. They generally listened politely to our exposition of this right, but treated it as some strange idiosyncrasy to which we were addicted, but which could be forgiven in friends. The most damning thing of all was that those Negroes who took the trouble to ascertain exactly what we were driving
at generally voiced very decided opposition.21

So the Communists realized, as Jesse Gray reportedly remarked, that in order to put people to use, they would have to develop some sort of trick.

Consequently, they developed the strategy of the Communist "front." The front is operated in two ways: either the Communists infiltrate an organization, work inside it (in Communist language, "bore from within"), and eventually capture it; or they form their own organization--and simply invite the gullible in. In either case, many unsuspecting Americans wind up working to further some specific Communist objective.

"Comrades, you remember the ancient tale of the capture of Troy. Troy was inacessible to the armies attacking her, thanks to her
impregnable walls. And the attacking army, after suffering many sacrifices, was unable to achieve victory until with the aid of the
famous Trojan horse it managed to penetrate the very heart of the enemy's camp.

"We revolutionary workers, it appears to me, should not be shy about using the same tactics with regard to our fascist foe . .
."22

But what is essential, in either case, is that since the overwhelming majority of people of any kind are thoroughly decent, the
front must not only avoid mentioning, but actively deny, that it has anything at all to do with communism.

Once the secret gets out, the Communist front has lost its value--because most people are decent.

"Everything should be done to bring wide masses of Negroes into these partial struggles. This is important--and not to carry the
various partial demands to such an ultra-radical point that the mass of working Negroes are no longer able to recognize them as their own.
Without a real mobilization of the mass-movements . . . even the best Communist partial demands get hung up . . ."23

In other words, keep the Negroes under the impression that the campaign has something to do with what they want, when all along it has only to do with communism.

But comrades let remarks slip. In speaking of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare and other southern fronts, Communist James
W. Ford boated in an article entitled "The Struggle for the Building of the Modern Liberation Movement of the Negro People," that "the
Communists, through their pioneering work in the South, may justly claim to have laid the foundation for these great social movements."24

So the secret was out:

Careful examination of its official publication and its activities will disclose that the conference is being used in devious ways to further basic Soviet and Communist policy. Decisive and key posts are in most instances controlled by persons whose record is faithful to the line of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union.25

The Southern Conference for Human Welfare was conceived, financed, and set up by the Communist Party in 1938 as a mass organization to
promote communism throughout the Southern States.26

And so the Communists abolished the Southern Conference for Human Welfare.

Immediately thereafter, there appeared on the scene an organization known as the Southern Conference Educational Fund. The
Southern Conference Educational Fund's business address was 822 Perdido Street in New Orleans.27 The Southern Conference for Human Welfare's business address had been 822 Perdido Street in New Orleans.
The Southern Conference Educational Fund published--and continues to publish--a paper called the Southern Patriot. The paper published by the Southern Conference for Human Welfare had been called the Southern Patriot. Both organizations used the same telephone, and both had generally the same officers.

SCHW and SCEF, in short, are the same organization. Nothing has changed but the last two letters.

Who, exactly is running SCHW-EF?

Mr. Carl Braden of Louisville, Kentucky, who serves as field director of SCEF, has been named under oath as a member of the
Communist party.28 Mrs. Anne Braden, also of Louisville, Kentucky, and editor of the Southern Patriot, has also been named under oath as a member of the Communist party: ". . . Alberta Ahearn . . . swore, both in Court and later before the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee that Carl and Anne Braden had recruited her into the Communist Party, and that she knew them as Communist Party members."29

Mr. Braden is a former convict. While in Louisville, he was convicted of a felony--a matter involving some dynamite. And Mrs.
Braden was indicted for sedition.30 It seems she doesn't like our form of government.

Carl Braden is also listed on its letterhead as one of the "national sponsors" of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee--which
sponsored member Lee Harvey Oswald, the "lone fanatic"--and which is a Communist front. Braden was one of the main speakers at the FPCC dinner in New York on April 28, 1961.31

Benjamin E. Smith and his law partner, Bruce Waltzer, take part in the "overall management" of SCEF.32 Both are under indictment "for multiple violations of the Lousiana Subversive Activities and Communist Control Act."33

At a closed meeting of the Southern Conference Educational Fund on February 3, 1964, at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York, Benjamin Smith, Treasurer of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, stated: "Come June, armies will take the field," "These armies are coming to strike. The Southern Conference Educational Fund is one of those armies." "The Southern Conference Educational Fund occupies a unique place in the South, it furnishes a staff organization supervising others." "There will be strikes, sitdowns, movements, we must play our part." . . . "Revolution is on its way."34

Mr. Aubrey Williams was president of the SCEF until 1963, when he became so busy as chairman of the National Committee to Abolish
HUAC--which is a Communist front--that he decided to make himself president emeritus. As director of the National Youth Administration
under President Roosevelt, Mr. Williams was Lyndon Johnson's boss. He also held other important jobs in the New Deal. ". . . In 1945,
however, the U.S. Senate rejected his appointment as administrator of the Rural Electrification Administration, after his affiliations with
the Communist apparatus ahd been placed in the record . . ."35

On March 19, 1954, Mr. Williams testified before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee that he had made the following statement
in a speech in New York on September 11, 1947: ". . . It is my belief that it is precisely at this point that we take our stand and defend the right of any Communist to maintain his position as an employee of the Government of the United States . . ."36 (italics added)

Aubrey Williams in April of 1954 at Hearings held in New Orleans by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, was identified as a Communist Party member by one witness who had been in the Party, and was identified by another witness at the same time as
one who had accepted Communist Party discipline . . .37

Yet, note this carefully: President Johnson called on Aubrey Williams at his home just after the assassination of President Kennedy!

That's right. A man who has been authoritatively identified as a Communist agent, and whose goal therefore is the complete destruction of the United States, received a personal visit from the president of the United States.

The new president of the SCEF is the Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth. Fred Shuttlesworth "has been affiliated with several communist-front
organizations,"38 and is a former convict.39

The next document is a letter dated September 21, 1960, from Carl Braden to James A. Dombrowski. It shows that the Rev. Fred L. Shuttleworth, ex-convict leader of the "Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights" . . . was using the Bradens to write his news releases, obviously because the Bradens were, and are, highly skilled professional propagandists . . . We offer the letter.40

Dr. James A. Dombrowski was executive director of SCHW. Dr. James A. Dombrowski is executive director of SCEF.

At the SISS Hearings in March of 1954, John Butler, former Alabama Communist party official, testified that in July, 1942, he
attended a meeting of Communist party leaders in the Thomas Jefferson Hotel, in Birmingham, Alabama, at which Alton Lawrence introduced James A. Dombrowski as a member of the Communist party.41 Butler said this meeting of Communist party leaders was held in Dombrowski's own hotel room.

It seems that Dr. Dombrowski has many friends. In 1932, along with a man named Myles Horton, he was running an outfit called
Commonwealth College in Mena, Arkansas. Commonwealth College was controlled by the People's Institute of Applied Religion, which had
been organized by the Communist party.42 The idea behind the college was that since communism in the South couldn't beat religion, the Communists would use religion by, among other things, comparing texts taken from the New Testament and Karl Marx.

But the college--run by Dombrowski and Horton--was convicted under the laws of Arkansas of displaying the hammer and sickle and
openly teaching communism,43 whereupon Arkansas levied a fine of $2,500.00. The college couldn't come up with the cash, so the
state took over the property, sold it at public auction and used the money to cover the costs.

A detailed Communist plot to use the college as a chief instrument for Communist propaganda in the South is outlined in a secret report on communism which was reprinted by the House Committee on Un-American Activites.44 And on April 27, 1949, the U.S. attorney general cited Commonwealth as a Communist front.45

Commonwealth College lived on, however, for the faculty moved to the town of Monteagle, Tennessee, where, with the assistance of a man named Don West, they organized the Highlander Folk School.46

Don West was district director of the Communist party of North Carolina.47 It was probably all right, though, because Aubrey Williams, President Johnson's friend, was also involved.48

Of course the Highlander Folk School was tax-exempt. A school leaflet advertising the 1949 winter term claims that the "purpose of
Highlander Fold School is to promote the progressive labor movement in the South." Among the courses announced in the same leaflet is one in union problems that "deals with definite problems of the students as Labor Board procedure, education in unions, race relations are some of the things discussed . . ."49

" . . . It is necessary . . . to go the whole length of any sacrifice, if need be, to resort to strategy and adroitness, illegal
proceedings, reticence and subterfuge, to anything in order to penetrate into the Trade Unions, remain in them, and carry on Communist
work inside them, at any cost . . ."50
V. I. Lenin

What the school was actually doing was teaching the superiority of the Soviet form of government and advocating revolution to bring it about in the United States, and recruiting young students into the Young Communist League:

. . . I have seen these YCL cards in the possession of Ralph Tuffytaller, Myles Horton, James Dombrowski, and Bill Marlowe and have heard them all talk in favor of the Young Communists League. I have also heard all of the above mentioned people speak in favor of the Russian form of Government. I have heard Myles Horton and James Dombrowski make the following remarks ("Only a revolution will bring
about a change from our present form of Government to the Russian form of Government"). I have heard them make this remark on several
occasions and they would be in the Highlander Folk School building.

I have also heard Myles Horton talk about the Commonwealth College with reference to the friendly relatins between Highlander Folk School and this Commonwealth College. I also know that several students from Commonwealth College have visited the Highlander Folk School from time to time.51

And this disturbed the authorities of the American state of Tennessee. So in 1960, through court action, they suucceeded in closing
the organization known as the Highlander Folk School at Monteagle.

On August 30, 1961, an organization called the Highlander
Research and Education Center, of Knoxville, Tennessee, was incorporated, and immediately received tax-exempt status from the U.S.
government, since the Internal Revenue Service had declared Highlander "a recognized educational institution with government approval."

The director of this new organization turns out to be Myles Horton. In a form letter dated May 15, 1963, Mr. Horton explained that:
". . . In the words of board of directors chairman, Dr. B. R. Brazeal, 'The Highlander idea, like a Phoenix rising from the ashes, has truly been born again in the Highlander Center.'"

Also of interest is the career of the Rev. Andrew Young, as recorded in the Atlanta Constitution:

The administrator of the Dorchester Center in nearby Liberty County played a leading role in the desegregation activities of the Chatham County Crusade for Voters.

The administrator, the Reverend Andrew Young . . . received training at the old Highlander Folk School at Monteagle, Tenn.

Before its charter at Monteagle was revoked, the Highlander School received support from the International Union of Mine, Mill
& Smelter Workers.

An officer of the union, now under indictment on a charge of filing a false non-Communist affidavit, was one of the directors of the Highlander School.

The Reverend Young has been headquartered rent-free in Savannah in the offices of the International Union of Mine, Mill & Smelter Workers. The Subversive Activities Control Board, an agency of the Federal Government, has found the union to be Communist infiltrated.
The Mine-Mill Union has appealed the finding to a Federal court of appeals."52

Then there is the interesting case of a gentleman who is sometimes known as Mr. Hunter Pitts O'Dell:

The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee declared today that "a smoothly coordinated" Communist underground was operating
in New Orleans as late as last spring [1956]. The panel made public in support of its finding the transcripts of hearings held in that city in April.

The subcommittee said that American Communists

sought to infiltrate labor unions, churches, farmer organizations, parent-teacher organizations, channels of public opinion, and other streams of influence in our society.

. . .

Much of the Senate panel's case was built up at New Orleans from material found by New Orleans policemen in the abandoned
apartment of one Hunter Pitts O'Dell. Mr. O'Dell had been identified in previous testimony as being the district organizer of the Communist
party in New Orleans.53

On April 12, 1956, identifying himself as Hunter Pitts O'Dell, a New Orleans waiter, he testified before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. He invoked the Fifth Amendment and refused to say whether he was a southern district organizer for the Communist Party.

Robert Morris, counsel for the subcommittee, said information had been received that O'Dell was, in fact, a district organizer for
the Communist Party in New Orleans; that O'Dell gave "directives to the professional group" in that city, and that he operated under three
different names--the two other names being John Vesey and Ben Jones.54

In 1958, when O'Dell was living in Montgomery, he again declined to answer questions about his Communist party activity.

In 1962, the House Committee on Un-American Activities published a two-volume study entitled Structure and Organization of the Communist Party of the United States.

On page 576, there is a list of those elected to the national committee of the Communist Party, U.S.A., as known to the committee in
November, 1961.

Among the names was that of Hunter Pitts O'Dell.

Mr. O'Dell apparently also found time to do some work for the Dorchester Center, near Savannah, Georgia, which is operated out of
Mine, Mill & Smelter by the Rev. Andrew Young, who is operated out of the Highlander School, of Monteagle, Tennessee.

The name of Bayard Rustin has long struck fear into the heart of every segregationist.

Mr. Rustin said that in 1938 or 1939 he had joined a Young Communist League group at City College in New York. But he
insisted that he, like many members of the youth group, never became a member of the Communist Party because the party was ultra-suspicious of young college students and had little confidence in their reliability.55

Mr. Rustin knows best of course, but the peculiar thing is that one of the major reasons for the existence of the YCL was to recruit young college students into the Communist party.

This record, based on FBI and police reports, is as follows:

As a student at the College of the City of New York in 1936, Rustin joined the Young Communist League and was active in its operations on the campus and elsewhere.

In World War II, he was arrested several times for making speeches advocating resistance to the conflict against Hitler and
Mussolini. As a professed conscientious objector, he served 26 months in the federal prisons at Ashland, KY., and Lewisburg, Pa.56 (italics added)

He says he resigned from the YCL in 1941.

. . . Rustin worked closely, often as an office holder, with: the War Resisters League, the World Peace Brigade, Liberation
magazine, the Medical Aid to Cuba Committee, the second General Strike for Peace, the Monroe (N.C.) Defense Committee, the Committee for
Non-Violent Action . . . the Greenwich Village Peace Center, and any number of other groups, ad hoc committees, petitions, etc., few of
which are arrestingly wholesome . . .57

". . . The Young Communist Leagues must strive in every way to unite the forces of all non-facist mass organizations of the youth,
including the formation of various kinds of common organizations for the struggle against fascism . . .
58

Mr. Rustin has also been active in a group called the American Forum for Socialist Education, which is Communist dominated.59

Early in 1957, he spoke at the City College of New York to some four hundred students:

The students . . . applauded heartily when Rustin appealed for a student campaign to ban the H-bomb.

Other speakers were Joseph Clark, foreign editor of the Daily Worker; Eric Haas, of the Socialist Labor Party . . . and Myra Tanner Weiss, of the Socialist Workers Party.

. . .

Rustin strongly supported the non-violence tactics of the Montgomery movement. He contrasted the democratic reforms in Poland with the
"retrogression to Stalinism in Hungary," and attributed the difference to the fact that in Poland the workers pursued non-violent tactics
while in Hungary they resorted to violence . . .60

Observe that Mr. Rustin believes that what happened in Poland was good--and somehow equates it with the Montgomery movement.

It is interesting to note that he was fresh from the sixteenth national convention of the Communist party of the United States, in
which he participated, in February 1957, as an official "non-Communist" observer. The observers observed in a signed statement

that the sessions of the convention were democratically conducted with vigorous discussion of all matters
brought to the floor. There were many indications that no individual or group was in a position to control the convention.

. . .

Finally, we wish to protest vigorously against the continuance by Senator Eastland's Senate Internal Security subcommittee of the
un-American practice of governmental inquisition into political opinions and activities, as instanced by the summons to Eugene Dennis
[a Communist official] to appear next Monday before the subcommittee ...61

In 1958, Mr. Rustin was one of five Americans who went to Russia under the sponsorship of a group known as the Nonviolent Action
Committee Against Nuclear Weapons.62

The January, 1963, issue of Fellowship reveals Mr. Rustin to be a "friend" of Kwame Nkrumah, the Communist dictator of Ghana. In the same issue Rustin is credited with having worked to establish a center for nonviolence at Dar es Salaam, Tanganyika, where, as we have seen, Communist troops are now in training.

In September of the year, he was in Richmond, Virginia, where he suggested "that more bloody Negro suffering should be encouraged so
that squeamish Northern Negroes woudl be horrified into line . . ."63

He was fresh from the march on Washington, which he conducted on August 28th, for the ostensible purpose of helping to pass the civil rights bill, the day after which he urge that the only hope for Negroes was to "go left."64

On February 3, 1964, Mr. Rustin successfully conducted the New York City school boycott.

On the next day, photographers recorded his departure from a cocktail party at the Russian mission to the United Nations.

"Rustin said his presence stemmed from his activites in the Committee for Non-Violent Action, a civil rights group, and his
pre-occupation with artistic freedom in Russia."65

"He has denied ever having been a member of the Communist Party . . ."


Notes

1. New YorkWorld-Telegram (July 23, 1964), p. 2.

2. As quoted in "The Communist Positition (1947)," pp. 14-16. See footnote 16, chapter 3.

3. Gus Hall Marxism and Negro Liberation (New York, New Century Publishers, 1951), p. 19.

4. As quoted in "The Communist Position (1947)," p. 60.

5. C. Eric Lincoln, The Black Muslims in America (Boston, Beacon Press, 1961), p. 25.

6. New York Times (May 29, 1963), p. 32.

7. Newsweek, vol. 61 (May 6, 1963), pp. 27-28.

8. Ibid.

9. New York Times (August 1, 1963), p. 16.

10. James S. Allen and James W. Ford, The Negroes in a Soviet America (New York, Workers Library Publishers, June 1935), pp. 37-38.

11. Elijah Muhammad, "The Muslim Program," See footnote 9, chapter 4.

12. Ibid.

13. Allen and Ford, p. 44.

14. Muhammad Speaks, vol. 3, no. 10 (January 31, 1964), p. 5.

15. Ibid.

16. New York News (August 3, 1964), p. 5.

17. Lincoln, p. 251.

18. New York Journal-American (July 1, 1964), p. 8.

19. Report 592 on the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, House Committee on Un-American Activities, 80th Congress, first session
(Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, June 16, 1947). Also, Testimony of Walter S. Steele, Hearings, House Committee on Un-American Activities (July 21, 1947), pp. 136-141.

20. Rob F. Hall. "The Southern Conference for Human Welfare," Communist, vol. 18, no. 1 (January 1939), p. 61. Also see William A. Nolan, Communism Versus the Negro (Chicago, Henry Regnery Company, 1951), p. 115.

21. Francis Franklin, "The Status of the Negro People in the Black Belt and How to Fight for the Right of Self-Determination," Political Affairs, vol. 25, no. 5 (May 1946), p. 451. As quoted by Nolan, p. 55.

22. Georgi Dimitroff, The United Front (New York,
International Publishers, 1938), p. 52. Also see Nolan, p. 12. Quoted
from a report to seventh world congress (August 1935).

23. Resolutions of the Communist International on the Negro question in the United States (October 1930). As quoted in "The Communist Position (1934)," p. 54. See footnote 6, chapter 3.

24. James W. Ford, "The Struggle for the building of the Modern Liberation Movement of the Negro People," Communist, vol. 18 (September 1939), p. 828. As quoted by Nolan, p. 115.

25. Report 592, p. 1. See footnote 19 of this chapter.

26. Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc., report of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee (Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, 1955), p. v.

27. Activities of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. in Louisiana, part 1 (November 19, 1963), p. 12. See footnote 14, chapter 6.

28. Ibid., p. 13.

29. Ibid., part 2 (April 13, 1964), p. 19.

30. New York Times October 2, 1954), p. 6; also New York Times (December 14, 1954), p. 26.

31. Activities of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. in Louisiana, part 2, pp. 16-17.

32. Ibid., part 1, p. 13.

33. Ibid., part 2, p. 124.

34. Ibid., p. 120.

35. J. B. Matthews, testimony before the Florida Legislation Investigation Committee, vol. 1 (February 10, 1958, available in two
volumes from Georgia Commission on Education, 19 Hunter Street. S.W., 220 Agriculture Building, Atlanta 3, Georgia), p. 21.

36. Ibid., p. 22.

37. Activities of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. in Louisiana, part 1, pp. 13-14.

38. Ibid.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid., part 2, p. 85.

41. Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc.., report of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, p. 45.

42. William A. Nolan, Communism Versus the Negro (Chicago, Henry Regnery Company, 1951), pp. 129-131.

43. Activities of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. in Louisiana, part 1. p. 25.

44. Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States, appendix IX, pp. 1466-1467.

45. New York Times (April 28, 1949), p. 6.

46. "I would like to mention in this connection that the Highlander Folk School at Monteagle, Tennessee, was a school organized
by Myles Horton and Don West, and which Mr. Dombrowski shortly thereafter joined." Testimony of Paul Crouch, report of the
House Committee on Un-American Activities (May 6, 1949), p. 193. Paul Crouch was the top Communist party official in the South. Also, Activities of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. in Louisiana, part 1, pp. 26-28.

47. Testimony of Paul Crouch, p. 191.

48. Activities of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. in Louisiana, part 1, p. 14.

49. Tax Exempt Foundations, report of the Special Committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations and Comparable
Organizations, House, 83rd Congress, second session (Washington, D.C.,
Government Printing Office, 1954), p. 399.

50. V. I. Lenin, "Left-Wing" Communism, published by "The Toiler" (no imprint and no date), p. 36.

51. Activities of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. in Louisiana, part 1, exhibit 9, affidavit of William Eldridge, p. 31.

52. Atlanta Constitution (July 24, 1963), pp. 1, 7.

53. New York Times (September 16, 1956), p. 54.

54. St. Louis Globe-Democrat (October 26, 1962).

55. New York Times (August 16, 1963), p. 10.

56. "Allen-Scott Report" (August 16, 1963).

57. National Review (August 20, 1963), p. 2.

58. Georgi Dimitroff, The United Front (New York, International Publishers, 1938), p. 66.

59. Annual Report--1957, Senate Internal Security Subcommittee (Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, 1958), pp. 36-40.

60. Daily Worker (April 12, 1957), p. 2.

61. Ibid. (February 25, 1957), p. 1.

62. Shreveport Journal (August 8, 1963), as inserted by Senator Strom Thurmond (R., S.C.) in the Congressional Record (August 13, 1963), p. 14035.

63. Richmond News-Leader (September 27, 1963), editorial.

64. Ibid.

65. Boston Globe (February 5, 1964).

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