Six Little Girls

By Nicholas Stix

July, 2005
Middle American News


All across the diverse, new America, whites are being daily victimized in racial attacks that a complicit corporate media encourages by: 1. refusing to report on them, thereby hamstringing local communities and the nation alike from organizing to publicly condemn the attacks, punish the offenders, and deter future attacks; and 2. promoting a constant stream of hate crime hoaxes engineered by minority group members against whites.

One must use Internet search engines, in order to piece together the truth. One learns of Harris County, Texas police officer Nathaniel Rogers Jr., who has been charged with having pistol-whipped a white man, while shouting racial epithets; black former Atlanta policeman Terrance Alexander, who was fired for assaulting a white woman; black Pennsylvanian Stanford Augusto Douglas Jr., who confessed to having hunted down and murdered a white former superior, claiming he was avenging a racist joke from seven years earlier; and as in the case of Denver detective Donnie Young, of illegal aliens who are murdering white American police officers. And in national stories that cannot be suppressed, such as Atlanta’s Brian Nichols case, even when a black murder suspect confesses to being a race warrior, reporters deny the meaning of the man’s own words.

Racial attacks are increasingly carried out by minority youth, who are encouraged to do so by community leaders, educators, the media, and even textbooks. For instance, Sandra Stotsky’s book, Losing Our Language: How Multicultural Classroom Instruction is Undermining Our Children’s Ability to Read, Write, and Reason, cites an elementary school textbook which presents a Hispanic boy calling a white boy the coded racial epithet, “Monolingual lout!”

In one recent incident, on March 30 in Marine Park, Brooklyn, six white Catholic school girls from St. Edmond’s high school were attacked for 20 minutes by approximately 30 black boys and girls who beat the girls to a pulp, while shouting racial epithets (“black power!” "honky b-----s!" “white crackers!” “Martin Luther King!”). (Five of the victims were 15 years old; one was older.) The NYPD censored the racial epithets from police reports, and the New York media likewise refused to report on the attack. However, when a little community newspaper broke through the wall of silence, and Internet sites publicized the story nationwide, the mainstream media were forced to report on the attack. And yet, a number of mainstream reporters displayed more anger at the gutsy little newspaper and reporter that scooped them, and the Web sites, than at the attackers.

As the white girls were playing basketball, a group of six black girls from nearby Marine Park Junior High School ordered them to surrender the court. The white girls refused, and according to Brooklyn Skyline reporter Marianna Hernandez, some adults intervened, telling the black girls to wait their turn.

Though they were in a largely white neighborhood, the black girls were as contemptuous of the white adults as of the girls, and returned several times, each time with more black allies. Finally, when the mob reached about thirty 13 and 14-year-old black boys and girls, they swooped down on the white girls, punching, kicking, and stomping them. The victims’ wounds included chunks of hair ripped out of one girl’s head, a broken nose, a torn arm muscle, head trauma. One white victim ran into traffic to escape, and could easily have been killed. Indeed, had the attackers been older, they might have beaten to death some or all of the white girls. Two victims required hospitalization.

In 1986, when a much smaller white gang attacked some black men walking through Howard Beach, Queens, Michael Griffith was killed when he ran into traffic to try and save himself. The case became a national cause celebre, was used to condemn New York whites, and vaulted black supremacists
Al Sharpton, Alton Maddox, and C. Vernon Mason, who in 1987-88 would produce the Tawana Brawley Hoax, to national prominence.

Five of the alleged March 30 attackers were so blasé, that they hung around in the vicinity afterward, where they were identified by witnesses and arrested for mere misdemeanor assault. Because of their age, their names are being kept confidential by Brooklyn Family Court: Sadira M., Akeylah P., Jessica P., Kedne L. and Vanna W.

Days later at a community meeting, the local precinct commander, Deputy Inspector Kevin McGinn, announced, “This is not being looked at as a bias crime.”

In the April 11 Brooklyn Skyline community newspaper, Marianna Hernandez’ story -- with the sarcastic title, “Non-Bias Attack” -- told of the mob violence, of Dep. Insp. McGinn’s denial that the crime was a racial attack, and quoted parents of the victims. Hernandez quoted local parent Cathy Miller as saying, “It’s getting progressively worse in the community - these types of gangs are not only taking away our parks, they’re ruining our neighborhoods.”

Over the next two weeks, the Skyline article was read by hundreds of thousands of Americans via the Internet. It was only after people had read about the attack everywhere but in New York (excepting for Skyline readers), that the New York media felt forced to report on it. And then, many reporters were more interested in condemning Marianna Hernandez and the Skyline for reporting on the attack, than condemning the attackers.

On April 25, reporters Angelina Cappiello, Patrick Gallahue, and Erika Martinez, of the allegedly conservative New York Post, emphasized in the lead to their article, that the case “became a rallying point on white-supremacy Web sites,” and mocked the victims’ parents for hiring a lawyer. “One parent said she and the other parents are planning to obtain a lawyer and take legal action — though she couldn't specify exactly what action would be taken.”

The reporters had to know that in New York, white victims of racial attacks must pay for expensive, aggressive legal representation, just as if they were defendants, if they wish to obtain justice. Otherwise, police and prosecutors alike will treat them with contempt.

The Post report mentioned in passing that the charges had been upgraded to felonies, after the city corporation counsel had overruled police in determining that the crime was a felony bias attack. City lawyers virtually never up the ante for black racial attackers. The Post reporters had to know that the change was likely due to the victims’ parents having hired high-profile lawyer Stephen Murphy, and from the publicity that ensued from the Skyline report.

The Post report did, however, quote state Sen. Carl Kruger as saying, "If you look at our community in Brooklyn, [hate crimes] are not down. This is another reminder." That was an unusually courageous statement for a politician.

In a column in the same edition, Post reporter Leonard Greene was even more hostile. In “Vile outbursts are fanning flames of hatred,” Greene argued that in reporting on the attack, the Brooklyn Skyline had committed a crime equal to that of the racist mob.

“THERE were two bias crimes in Brooklyn.

“The first happened when a group of black girls allegedly attacked a group of white girls …

“The second happened when a local newspaper resorted to hate speech and race-baiting to stir up local outrage over the incident.”

The five female suspects, plus three boys that were arrested five weeks later, are now charged with two misdemeanors (attempted assault and menacing) and three felonies, including attempted gang assault in the first degree and two counts of hate crimes. Because they are all under 16, the most the attackers can serve is 18 months in a juvenile facility.

On June 13, the eight defendants’ criminal trial began. After opening statements and testimony, the trial was adjourned until June 27.

Daily News columnist Denis Hamill quoted one of the victims’ attorneys, Stephen Murphy, as saying, “No matter who's doing the hating, it's ugly. In this case, it's clear these five white girls were singled out because of the color of their skin, and the police brass at the 63rd Precinct ignored all the evidence.”

Murphy successfully defended one of the white defendants in the Howard Beach trial. Murphy’s co-counsel, Daniel Russo, a former Brooklyn prosecutor, told Middle American News that he and Murphy are still investigating the conduct of Marine Park JHS and the NYPD, to see whether they will sue the city education and/or police departments. “Suit hasn’t been filed yet.” Russo noted, however, “There was no police presence in the park.”

The idea that New York blacks have a right to riot whenever they please -- what historian Fred Siegel in The Future Once Happened Here called “riot ideology” -- was born under Mayor John V. Lindsay (1966-1973). During an economic boom with only five percent local unemployment, Lindsay’s Marxist welfare commissioner, Mitchell “Come-and-Get-It” Ginsberg, more than doubled the welfare rolls from 538,000 to 1,165,000.

The riot ideology and the welfare revolution it spawned were not limited to New York. Marxist Columbia University professors Francis Fox Piven and Richard Cloward developed the “politics of turmoil,” in order to bring about a communist revolution. The idea was to bankrupt America’s cities, through getting all black unwed mothers to quit their jobs and go on the welfare rolls; to cause all social institutions to collapse, through making impossible demands on them; and to use young black males as revolutionary storm troopers. Piven and Cloward anticipated the explosion in illegitimacy, educational failure, crime and drug addiction as revolutionary opportunities.

The welfare revolution did not bring about a Marxist overthrow of America’s government, but it did bring about the collapse of black -- and later Hispanic -- urban morality, and the institutionalization of black and Hispanic racism. Today, these pathologies are celebrated as “multiculturalism.”

Originally published in Middle American News.