Sunday, August 30, 2020

Michael Anton -- Looming Anarcho-Tyranny

By An Old Friend
Sun, Aug 30, 2020 4:32 a.m.

Michael Anton -- Looming Anarcho-Tyranny

AOF: Lengthy ... and worthwhile:
N.S.: Of course, I've been talking about all these issues since the mid-1990s, first in Chronicles, then in Insight on the News, Middle American News, Toogood Reports, VDARE, and many other outlets, but it's nonetheless a relief to see someone as influential and widely-read as Anton raising these issues, and nice to see him give Sam Francis full credit, in contrast to Heather Mac Donald, who refused to even mention Francis recently on Tucker Carlson's show. My only beef with him is that he gives President Trump a free ride. Trump has proved himself a weakling who could have done much more, e.g., going the full Andy Jackson, when a cabal of federal judges conspired to vitiate his immigration policies. He had full prerogatives under the Constitution; they had none. And yet, he surrendered to the Judiciary.   

After "Is 2020 another 'Flight 93 election?'" the question I most often hear is "What happens if Trump loses?" 
The answer to the first question, unfortunately, is yes, but more so.
The tl;dr [[that means "too long; didn't read" -- AOF]] summary of the answer to the second is: much more of the same. More of all the trends, policies, and practices that revolutionized American life in the 1960s, that enrich the ruling claFss and its foot soldiers at middle America's expense, erode our natural and constitutionally guaranteed rights and liberties, degrade our culture and its people, and dishonor our heritage and history. The war on those who self-identify as Americans, and only as Americans, who love their country despite its flaws—who are certain in their bones that its strengths and glories vastly outweigh its historic and present shortcomings—waged by those who hate America and Americans, who want to destroy the former and crush the latter, will go on.
Two important questions are whether that war will intensify or abate and whether it might abate overtly but intensify covertly. Those questions will be explored in what follows.
First, though, a necessary caveat. A tiresome, sophistic, bad-faith, and inevitable rejoinder to my argument will go something like this: "Trump is the president; therefore, you guys are in charge; this 'ruling class' of whom you speak includes him, and you. So you're lying and contradicting yourself when you criticize an alleged 'ruling class' running the country in ways you don't like."
No. The only accurate statement in the above summary is "Trump is the president." And thank God for that; we'd be much worse off if he weren't.
But the experience of Trump's first term reveals how weak the presidency really is—not just constitutionally and historically, but, above all, currently. We know the enumerated powers the president is supposed to have, and also those the other branches of government are supposed to have, and not have. The Constitution and other fundamental charters of our liberties—the "parchment"—spell all that out. We also know what the "org chart" of the federal government looks like on paper: a "unitary executive" with an alphabet soup of agencies reporting to the president and therefore, in theory, responsive to his directives. 
But the reality, by now, should be obvious to everyone. Our government in no way functions according to the elevated words on the parchment, and President Trump does not control the executive branch. I say this not to disparage the president but only to state a plain fact. No doubt, he has done his best. I doubt that anyone else could have done better. But while facing a near-universal rebellion from every power center in our society, emphatically including the agencies he was elected to lead, naturally he has found it very difficult to make the federal bureaucracy do what he tells it to do.
That difficulty has astonished even me. I worked in the federal bureaucracy for the first four years of the first George W. Bush Administration. I saw from the inside how the permanent government or administrative state or "deep state" or whatever you want to call it undermined a president with whom they mostly agreed. I knew in advance that, were Donald Trump to win the 2016 election, the effort to undercut him from within would dwarf what happened to Bush. For unlike the 43rd president, who merely held a few opinions unpopular with the deep state, the 45th ran on a program of almost complete repudiation of ruling class dogma and practice.
And yet I vastly underestimated how bad the "resistance" would be. Never in my wildest dreams did I imagine that federal intelligence and law enforcement agencies would try to frame the president with a phony "crime," launch a pointless two-year investigation over a fraud, then impeach him over the timing of foreign aid payments, all the while lying daily to the American public.
I also saw, again, the beast from the inside during my brief tenure in President Trump's White House. Given classification and nondisclosure requirements, I can't say much about that. But I can say this: if anything changed from my time in the Bush Administration, it is that the deep state is vastly more powerful today than it was then, and vastly more willing to use its power—overtly—to flout, undermine, circumvent, and disobey presidential orders. Even, in many cases, to do the precise opposite of what they've been ordered.
So we should not gripe about the things not done in President Trump's first term. We should rather be grateful for all the things he got done—and hope he can do more in a second term.

Neoliberalism Forever? 

But this essay is about what might happen should he lose.
The most plausible outcome would be a return to the "neoliberal" consensus and trajectory circa 2015. A more precise name might be "managerial leftist-libertarianism," for this governing ideology is top-down, bureaucratic, and anti-democratic, committed to social engineering and grievance politics, while undermining virtue and promoting vice. But that's something of a mouthful, and "neoliberal," for better or worse, has gained widespread acceptance.
Neoliberalism elevates as a matter of "principle" the international over the national; it rejects the latter as narrow, particular, cramped, even bigoted, and celebrates the former as cosmopolitan and enlightened. Neoliberalism is (for now) forced to tolerate nations and borders as unfortunate and unhelpful obstacles but it looks forward to a time when such nuisances finally are behind mankind forever.
Until that time, neoliberalism works to warp state power into instruments whose primary mission is not to secure the well-being or interests of individual peoples or nations but instead to enforce the international neoliberal order—in particular the movement of capital, goods, and labor across borders in ways that benefit the transnational neoliberal ruling class. In practice, this amounts to widespread, close-knit cooperation between business and government—or what neoliberals euphemistically refer to as "public-private partnership." 
This benign-sounding phrase—who could object to "cooperation," to government and business "solving problems" together?—masks a darker reality. What it really describes is the use of state power to serve private ends, at private direction. Its proponents always leave out the little detail that big business is the senior partner. 
Hence, for instance, without Trump, foreign policy—that quintessentially public function, to "provide for the common defense"—will be further reoriented around securing trade, tax, and labor ("migration") patterns and paradigms that benefit finance and big business. American conservatives, still fighting "government regulation" as if America were stuck in Groundhog Day 1981, have yet to grasp the reality that the majority of this country's policies are oriented around securing trade, tax, and labor ("migration") regimes that benefit finance and big business.
The real power in the neoliberal order resides not with elected (or appointed) officials and "world leaders"; they—or most of them—are a servant class. True power resides with their donors: the bankers, CEOs, financiers, and tech oligarchs—some of whom occasionally run for and win office, but most of whom, most of the time, are content to buy off those who do. The end result is the same either way: economic globalism and financialization, consolidation of power in an ostensibly "meritocratic" but actually semi-hereditary class, livened up by social libertinism.
This consensus and the people who profit from it are still very much in charge of America today. They control everything: corporations, banks, tech firms, media (legacy and social), universities, primary and secondary schools, foundations, mainline religious organizations, and of course the entire federal bureaucracy. They also control, in all but the very reddest counties and municipalities, local governments and agencies. Is it any wonder, then, that it's so hard for the president to govern against the neoliberal consensus?
The only top-tier power center the ruling class currently doesn't have is the White House itself. If (or when) they get it back, the basic contours of the back-to-normal regime will look much as they did at the height of the Obama Administration—or, in hindsight, the Bush-Clinton-Bush-Obama Imperium: a high-low coalition against the middle in service of big tech, high finance, and woke capital. The sanctification of immigration, the glorification of "free" trade, jingoistic celebration of constabulary use of force in parts of the world most Americans can't even name: expect lots more of all that. 
"Getting back to normal" will also require the ruling class' propaganda apparatus to amp into overdrive on all the alleged "failures" of the Trump interregnum. Getting out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (which even Hillary Clinton had disavowed by 2016)? Disaster! Played right into the hands of China and alienated our allies! Blaming China for the coronavirus? Another disaster! Racist and xenophobic and alienated a key trading partner!
Surface consistency is not a strong suit of America's contemporary propagandists. There is, however, an underlying consistency: any statement that serves the interests of the ruling class and hurts Trump and his supporters is good. Period.
Hence expect to hear endless denunciations of Trump's renegotiated trade deals as catastrophic—and inconsequential. Similarly, on immigration, the narrative will be: Trump's racist xenophobia was a racist overreaction to a nonproblem—that crippled our economy by depriving it of desperately needed workers . . . when the unemployment rate was over 15 percent. On foreign policy, the line already is: Trump's recklessness risked calamitous war—while he recklessly pulled American troops out of combat zones in Syria and Afghanistan and tried to negotiate a peace deal with North Korea.

Only More So

All of the "post-Cold War era" trends that Trump ran against and has opposed or sought to moderate will be intensified. The ruling class will get right back to elevating the international over the national while tolerating the national only insofar as state power is used to bolster the international neoliberal order and enforce its edicts to facilitate the movement of capital, goods, and labor across borders in ways that benefit themselves.
The economy will become even more artificial and jury-rigged. We shall test supposed iron laws of economic gravity—for instance, whether it's possible to maintain a fiat currency indefinitely with endless money printing and whether the dollar can long maintain its global reserve status. The longer the rigging goes on, the more rigging will be required.
Overall, the economy will become more techified, more financialized, more concentrated at the coasts, and more unequal. Expect the rich to get a lot richer and the middle class to disappear. Wages will fall.
COVID-19 has been a godsend to the oligarchs, who are licking their chops as one small business after another fails, leaving Americans with no choice but to spend whatever money they have with corporate behemoths. 
Since small businesses are one of the last redoubts of the middle class (owing to the disappearance, via outsourcing and immigration, of middle-income American jobs at big companies), expect what's left of the middle class to shrink further. If it seems incredible—as it should—that financial markets are at or near all-time highs when GDP has plunged, unemployment reached levels not seen since the Great Depression, and our cities and towns have been repeatedly sacked, looted, and burned for three straight months, the biggest reason is the consolidation of corporate control over the economy.
Don't expect big firms' vastly increased power and wealth to trickle down to the little guy. Corporate America loves the so-called "gig economy," a euphemism for "We don't have to pay benefits!" Employer-provided healthcare will disappear for all but the most senior executives, a trend that, in turn, will make some form of socialized medicine inevitable. Quality of care will fall for all but the people at the very top who can buy out of the government system. Eventually, however, even their care will decline, since there will no longer be enough money in the system to keep medical innovation going.
On Trump's big three—immigration, trade, and war—America will be back to the status quo ante, and then well beyond. 
Biden has already promised to amnesty every illegal immigrant currently in the country. According to a 2018 Yale study, that's at least 22 million people—all of whom, under America's idiotic immigration laws, immediately would be eligible to bring over relatives in the name of "family reunification." If each newly minted American brings over just one relative, that's another 20 million new immigrants in Biden's first term alone. And nothing in the law would stop people from bringing over more than one. Most sponsor several. 
Such an amnesty, once the Democratic machine got everyone registered to vote, would tip many purple states permanently blue. That's the whole point. After that, the electoral map would become impossible for Republicans ever to win the presidency again. Which is also the point.

Goodbye, Constitution

Nothing gets a conservative's patriotic blood up more than effusive praise of the United States Constitution. God knows, I love it too—at least as much as any of them do.
Which is why it pains me to write that its future is bleak. To do what the Left wants to do will require riding roughshod over our sacred parchment—even more than we've already been doing.
The Constitution has been under explicit attack since the beginning of the Progressive Era, nearly 125 years ago. Those attacks exponentially intensified with the advent of 1960s leftism. They retreated a bit in the face of the Reagan and Gingrich counterattacks but are now back with a vengeance. If conservatives were to tally the score, we might take some consolation from the fact that from time to time we've been able to put points on the board. But we would also be forced to concede that we've been massively outscored, and that our losses are mounting and accelerating.
I take the liberty of quoting myself, from the "Restatement on Flight 93" (originally published on September 13, 2016), because the words remain apt and I can't think of a better way to make the point:
For now, let's just ask ourselves two questions. First, how do the mechanics of government, as written in the Constitution, differ from current practice? Second, how well is the Bill of Rights observed? As to the first, we do still have those three branches of government mentioned. But we also have a fourth, hidden in plain sight within the executive, namely the bureaucracy or administrative state. It both usurps legislative power and uses executive power in an unaccountable way. Congress does not use its own powers but meekly defers to the executive and to the bureaucracy. The executive [at least when Democrats are in power] does whatever it wants. The judiciary also usurps legislative and, when it's really feeling its oats, executive power through the use of consent decrees and the like. And that's just the feds—before we even get to the relationship between the feds and the states. As to the second, can you think of a single amendment among the Bill of Rights that is not routinely violated—with the acquiescence and approval of the Left? I can't.
This situation has gotten considerably worse since I wrote that. 
To cite only two examples: free speech is under attack as it never has been before. Right now, the battlefield is mostly social media sites, hence the attacks are publicly justified as legitimate acts by private businesses. "The First Amendment doesn't cover the private sector; property rights mean they can do what they want!" Leave aside the extent to which the ruling class cares about property rights for property not their own (answer: not much); how meaningful is the distinction between public and private speech when the modes of public discourse increasingly are concentrated in the private hands of the ruling class? Answer: also not much. 
When it comes to freedom of association, the government arm of the ruling class is absolutely ruthless in declaring everything a "public accommodation" so that freedom effectively becomes nonexistent. But when half a dozen (or fewer) big tech companies take over the means of disseminating speech and ideas—oh, no! That's not a public accommodation! Those are private firms and the rights of private firms are sacrosanct! As if this were not enough, take a look at how free speech polls these days: the younger the demographic, the less support one sees.
Consider also the incredible abuses of power from the Justice Department, the FBI, the intelligence community, and other agencies. Even with Trump in the White House, the administrative state still does whatever it wants while hampering the lawful directives of the elected chief executive. So long as their targets are in the disfavored party, they can spy on American citizens—up to and including presidential candidates—lie to and entrap public officials, extort plea deals from the innocent, and leak highly classified information for political purposes. (This is, needless to say, a very partial list.) They get away with all this scot-free: no punishment, no correction, no rebuke. They not only pay no price for shredding the Constitution and violating myriad statutes, but they are also lionized: the entire media and commentariat cheer them on. The fix is in, and has been for some time, but we still pretend we live in the age of Eliot Ness, the incorruptible G-man.
The fate of the Constitution is also inseparable from demographic change. Just as the least conservative and Republican areas of the country are the most foreign-born, so are such areas the places where the Constitution is least honored and operative. Lest someone object, "It's not about race!" I agree: whites themselves are sharply divided about the merits of the Constitution. A plurality at least, and all of the elite, despise constitutional limits. The only people in America who en masse still care about the Constitution and how it's supposed to work are conservatives, whose numbers—in absolute terms and as a share of the population—are dwindling. The bluer an area is, the less purchase constitutional principle holds. 
If present trends continue, the Constitution has no future. Neither its letter nor its spirit will be honored—either in ordinary circumstances or in the breach.  
Not only will none of the Constitution's guarantees be upheld nor any of its limits respected, but the document itself will be increasingly denounced as a hateful tool of racist oppression, a relic of a benighted, evil past best left on the ash heap of history. That judgment is already the norm in academia and elite intellectual circles. And the history of the past 50 years shows that the Left is extremely effective at ensuring that every fringe, radical idea to emerge from academia becomes mainstream. How many times have we scoffed at some academic insanity, only to see it become federal law 10 or 20 years later? Ivy League law professors explicitly argue in the pages of the New York Times that the Constitution is evil and has to go. We already don't govern ourselves according to its letter as a matter of practice. How long before what is today de facto becomes de jure? And even if it doesn't, what difference would that make?

Elective Monarchy

To give new practices a veneer of continuity, in the manner of Augustus Caesar insisting he was just another senator, the more the ruling class departs from the letter and spirit of the Constitution, the more they will (at least for a while) pledge ever-greater fealty to both. Which in practice will mean only one thing: they will still hold elections every two, four, and six years, and the terms of office will remain the same length. These are, for the average American, still uncrossable lines and also impossible to fudge.
But politics—in the sense of reasoned deliberation about common ends—will cease. Instead, "politics" will be further divided along two tracks: one visible, the other not.
The real ruling will take place "administratively," as described in detail in chapters two and three of my book !). The cogs and lickspittles in the bureaucracy, led by a small elite in corporations, above all in Big Tech and finance, will determine all important policies, foreign and domestic. Congress will be a bigger joke than it already is. Even the presidency will get weaker, as Democrats tacitly admit by nominating a man obviously incapable of fulfilling his constitutional oath of office. They know where the real power lies, and they know that all the power centers in the country are theirs.
But there is a certain cast of person who likes the trappings of office, and such persons will jockey for who gets which jobs when. There likely will still be general as well as primary elections, but only the latter will matter. The former will be mere formalities, as are gubernatorial contests in California and New York. It will probably take the Republican donor class a while to realize that their party is no longer viable at the national level, but eventually they will figure it out. After that, the party will become, for a few election cycles at least, what it is in New York and California: the plaything of billionaires who want to run for chief executive without the bother of a primary. All of them will lose. Then the party will die altogether.
The Democratic primaries will be the election. That is, to the extent that such contests actually are elections. It's safer and more reasonable to assume they'll increasingly be rigged, similar to the way the Democrats—twice—prevented Bernie Sanders from getting their party's nomination. Insurgency, outsider candidacies may still be attempted for a few cycles, but they'll get nowhere and pretty soon outsiders with anything on the ball will stop trying. We are, in a sense, headed back to the era of the "smoke-filled room"—though naturally there will be no smoke, unless it's from pot.
To help us understand what's coming, a more precise regime category exists: the elective monarchy, in which the true electors are not "the people" but a handful of horse-trading elites. Historical examples include the Western Roman Empire (where hereditary succession was the exception to the rule), the Mamluk Sultanate, the Papacy, and the Communist regimes of the USSR and the People's Republic of China. The grandees of the Democratic Party will get together every eight years (needless to say, no president will ever be denied reelection again) and decide who gets to "run." That person, facing no or merely token opposition, gets the big chair.
The fundamental question of every Democratic presidential primary season will simply be: Whose turn is it? That question will be asked in two senses: 1) which particular luminary gets to sit in the Oval Office for the next eight years? and 2) which group gets to reap the honors for a while? 
The ideal—the plan—will be to keep the globalization gravy train rolling by sharing the spoils "more equitably," "spoils" in this case being both offices and remuneration (and, given the way our system now works, the former is the surest path to the latter). The economy's actual masters naturally will prefer to be more generous with offices than with money. 
As for those quadrennial November contests, we'll still go through the formality of elections, but for show—like senate votes in imperial Rome. The less consequential elections become, the more our elites will insist on their sacrosanct significance. The mere fact of holding elections will become ipso facto proof that the regime is "democratic" and therefore legitimate.
This is another thing New America's rulers will share in common with their Communist forebears: the yearning for a veneer of democratic legitimacy. Near the end of the Cold War, columnist Charles Krauthammer coined the term "Tirana Index"—after Tirana, Albania, where tyrant Enver Hoxha once "won" an "election" 1,627,959 to one—which holds that "the higher the score rolled up by the ruling party in elections, the more tyrannous the regime." The wonder is not that Hoxha won, nor even his margin of victory, but that he felt obligated to stage the sham in the first place. 
I don't expect our coming overlords to rig our elections that badly; they won't need to.

The "State of Exception" 

With an (alleged) Biblical plague, the worst economic crash since the Great Depression, and a three-month-long nationwide rolling riot that shows no signs of slowing down, you might find it hard to choose the worst aspect of 2020. Yet it may turn out to be none of these things.
In 2005, Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben published the book State of Exception. The title refers to an old idea [from German fascist thinker Carl Schmitt], traceable at least to the Roman dictatorship, which holds (to coin a phrase) that extraordinary times require extraordinary measures.
Of course, sometimes extraordinary times do require extraordinary measures—e.g., the American Revolution. The problem, of which ancient thinkers and jurists were well aware, is that there are always people wishing to proclaim any and every time "extraordinary" so they can grant themselves extraordinary powers which they resist ever giving up. The Roman solution was to limit a dictator's term to six months and to enforce a strong political-cultural norm that the sooner a dictator surrendered his office, the more honor he gained. Whatever the precise solution, for law and liberty to endure, some means has to be found to deal with extraordinary moments without permanent recourse to lawless power.
Agamben argues that few, if any, countries—and virtually none in the West—have any such means anymore. And all the elites like it that way. Hence the "state of exception" has everywhere replaced the rule of law and is, de facto, the rule. [Has Anton been reading old essays from the Countenance Blogmeister?]
Nothing has made this clearer than the COVID-19 lockdowns, mask mandates, and other executive directives by governors and mayors who make no pretense of even consulting legislative bodies, much less going to the trouble of passing actual laws. They just decree what they want, and that's that. [The same elected officials who refuse to stop the riots.]
Americans initially were willing to go along because they feared that COVID-19 would turn out to be what the ruling class and the "experts" still lyingly insist that it is: a once-in-a-century plague primed to kill millions within months. By now it's obvious that this virus is not that. But the "state of exception" remains.
Will we ever get our liberties back? And if so, how many and to what extent? Agamben is not sanguine. He notes that emergency decrees often are formally lifted, but only after all necessary precedents have been set and new norms sink in. Then, all too often, the measures that were supposed to be "temporary" are later quietly written into ordinary legislation or regulation. Even if they aren't, an inured and cowed populace finds it hard to muster the will to fight back. Which is the point.
"The disproportionate reaction to something not too different from the normal influenzas that affect us every year is quite blatant," Agamben wrote in February. "It is almost as if, with terrorism exhausted as a cause for exceptional measures, the invention of an epidemic offered the ideal pretext for scaling them up beyond any limitation."
You may agree or disagree with Agamben's assessment of COVID-19 as "not too different" from the flu. He's not an epidemiologist—then again, likely neither are you. But one characteristic the COVID-19 panic shares with other "crises" cited to justify "extraordinary" measures is that doubt becomes disallowed, dissent censored and purged. It's settled science! 
Maybe. Though there are plenty of actual epidemiologists, other scientists, and doctors who disagree. Try finding their reasoned arguments on Google, Facebook, or Twitter. You can't.
Whatever COVID-19 is, its effects so far in no way justify the measures taken allegedly to stop it. One can be excused for wondering if the real purpose of those measures is to stop us. From doing what?
In any case, in the event of a Trump loss, expect more. Joe Biden has already, more than once, threatened to impose a national lockdown and other mandates—if the "experts" say they're required. But the relationship between alleged "expertise" and ruling class power is so yin-yang incestuous it's impossible to say where one ends and the other begins. Do the "experts" want to lock us down and rely on their allies in the halls of power to do the dirty work? Or do the powerful use the "experts" to justify what they want to do anyway? Is it both? Does it matter?

A Limited Shelf Life?

It's safe to assume that little, if any, of the above is out of reach if or when the Left finally achieves total dominance. They've already substantially built the regime they want. Is the structure 70 percent complete? Eighty? At any rate, it's well over 50.
The fact that they've gotten this far more than suggests that their ambitions are realizable—for a time. But how long?
In the middle of the last century, Leo Strauss warned:
We are now brought face to face with a tyranny which holds out the threat of becoming, thanks to the "conquest of nature" and in particular of human nature, what no earlier tyranny ever became: perpetual and universal. Confronted by the appalling alternative that man, or human thought, must be collectivized either by one stroke and without mercy or else by slow and gentle processes, we are forced to wonder how we could escape from this dilemma.
The specific regime to which Strauss referred lasted 72 years—a long time for a system so antithetical to human nature, but shorter than many historical tyrannies. The conquest of human nature to which Strauss referred appears to have evaded Communism's grasp.
Will it be possible for our ruling class to exclude from all political power half or more of the population for even 27 years, much less 72?
Or is the leftist dream now within reach? Can the toxic brew of drugs and porn and tech and all the other tools the ruling class uses to pacify the citizenry and collectivize human thought achieve what the tyrannies of the last century could not?
If President Trump loses, we will find out.

2 comments:

  1. Even if, by a miracle, Donald Trump wins this time, the Left will get in the White House eventually.

    ReplyDelete
  2. " If each newly minted American brings over just one relative, that's another 20 million new immigrants in Biden's first term alone. "

    Heard of an instance of an American man who married a Thai woman. Over a period of years members of the Thai "extended" family brought to the USA. FINALLY FORTY OF THEM!!

    ReplyDelete