Monday, September 01, 2025

For at least 79 years, the new york times has been lying about race: Here's the short course

For at least 79 years, the new york times has been lying about race: Here's the short course

I’ve rescued a classic, VDARE article on media evil!
By Nicholas Stix

My old VDARE editor, James Fulford, wrote thousands of important articles. However, none is accessible at VDARE.com, or even at VDARE.name, the url Peter Brimelow gave his webzine, after new york state criminal generaL, Letitia James, illegally forced VDARE out of business. I have tried in vain many times and many ways to find James’ work, in particular three classic articles on media evil. (I had downloaded the three articles I cited, and hundreds, if not thousands of James’ articles, but lost all of them due to a short-circuit which destroyed my external drive in february, 2021.) However, tonight I finally availed myself of The Wayback Machine.


The Fulford File, By James Fulford | Hate Crimes, Real Crimes, and Relevance
February 07, 2007

"We’ve done a lot of writing over the years on the media’s unwillingness to report on race, starting with a reprint of Peter Brimelow’s 1993 review of Paved With Good Intentions. But, despite our express instructions, it gets more and more blatant every day.

"Recently, Internet128.com had a post titled “The case has not raised issues of race, sex and class”:

“The Boston Globe has a long article on two lesbian women who were attacked by “teenagers” after leaving a park in East Boston, where they had watched a 4th of July fireworks display in 2003. There’s barely a word in the article about the perpetrators, so I take it they aren’t lacrosse players from Duke University. The article’s bottom line is that the women got a $205,000 settlement last fall, apparently on the grounds that the agency policing the area should have realized that if you don’t have hordes of police at events in East Boston, somebody will almost die. Well, duh.

“One of the victims needed 220 stitches according to the article. That’s some serious savagery.”

"It took me a while to find the solution to “guess the criminal’s ethnicity” game.

"I actually found a clue in an SPLC report about “teenage hate”:

"After the teens allegedly taunted the family with anti-gay slurs and threats, 15-year-old Anita Santiago allegedly slugged 35-year-old Lisa Craig hard enough to knock her to the ground. According to police reports, Santiago and her fellow gang members then bashed Craig’s head against the sidewalk and kicked the woman so brutally that her brain hemorrhaged and she needed more than 200 stitches. [SPLCenter.org: Age of Rage]

"Oh, that kind of teenager! You mean a Hispanic teenager! East Boston, known as Eastie, is being taken over by Hispanics, including Hispanic gangs. There’s nothing about that in the SPLC report, of course, nor about traditional Hispanic homophobia.

"The Hispanic girl, who was the only one of the teenagers charged, was not charged with a hate crime. (I’m going to take a wild intuitive leap and assume that if one member of a teenage mob is Hispanic, they all are. If there’s one thing teenage gangsters aren’t, it’s multicultural.) And when she came up for trial, she wasn’t really punished. (A year of probation, and she was ordered to get her GED and take anger management counseling.) [“East Boston teen sentenced in beating,” Boston Globe, July 12, 2005]

"You may know that the Associated Press Style Guide is used by almost all papers in the United States.

"Race: Identification by race is pertinent:

  • In biographical and announcement stories, particularly when they involve a feat or appointment that has not routinely been associated with members of a particular race. [I. E. the “first black” to do something good is relevant. The thousandth black to commit an armed robbery is not.]

  • When it provides the reader with a substantial insight into conflicting emotions known or likely to be involved in a demonstration or similar event.

In some stories that involve a conflict, it is equally important to specify that an issue cuts across racial lines. If, for example, a demonstration by supporters of bussing to achieve racial balance in schools includes a substantial number of whites, that fact should be noted.

This is the excuse the Associated Press invokes when it gets caught, as it regularly does, failing to report the race of a criminal who is still on the loose, when lives might be saved by knowing what the suspect looks like.

"A particularly bad case recently: a black man who was raping young white men at gunpoint in the Houston area. (See Nicholas Stix, Uncensored: “Another Associated Press Scandal: Wire Service Covers Up Black-Male-on-White-Male Rape Spree” for full details.) The point here is that, knowing the race of the suspect, and of his potential victims, said potential victims can take precautions.

"While the AP Stylebook doesn’t say why they treat race as not “pertinent”, a similar stylebook put out by a Canadian paper (the Toronto Globe and Mail) says this:

“'We must be especially scrupulous about avoiding irrelevant references in stories about criminal charges or other matters in which identifying a person’s race or national origin may unfairly associate an entire group with criminal or antisocial activity.”

"It’s that little word “unfairly” that does it. Many groups are fairly associated with criminal or antisocial activity. And perhaps the public needs to know that.

"The people who write the news stories, and the stylebooks, don’t want you to think about the “color of crime,” or the color of “antisocial activity” so they’ve decided to suppress it. They believe stereotypes to be “inaccurate, resistant to change, overgeneralized, exaggerated, and generally destructive,” rather than, as conservatives tend to think, fairly accurate and not so bad.

"I think I may have found the chronological origin of this peculiar suppression of the facts

"October 25, 1896: The [New York] Times slogan: “All the News That’s Fit to Print makes its first appearance on the editorial page.

"August 11, 1946: The Times introduce an editorial change announcing they will no longer refer to the race of persons suspected of a crime unless race is relevant to the story. [The New York Times: A Chronology: 1851-2006, Researched and Compiled by Bill Lucey, June 25, 2006]

"In 2005, Newsweek ran a story falsely alleging Koran desecration by American troops (one group the media is willing to stereotype). This resulted in Muslim rioting all over the world, Muslims being willing to riot for almost any reason.

"At the time that happened, Instapundit wrote this:

“'If they had wrongly reported the race of a criminal and produced a lynching, they’d feel much worse—which is why they generally don’t report such things, a degree of sensitivity they don’t extend to reporting on, you know, minor topics like wars.”

"I remember thinking that was very peculiar, since there haven’t been any lynchings in the United States for forty years or so. What exactly is going on here?

"Well, one thing that hasn’t been abolished is rioting.

"The article above that gave the date of the New York Times 1946 venture into what we now call “Political Correctness” gives another story:

“'May 29, 1964: The New York Times published a page one story about the Blood Brothers, a black youth gang operating in Harlem who were reportedly recruiting and training forces planning to kill whites.

“'The Times met with an outpouring of criticism once the story rolled off the presses. Questions were raised, for instance, whether there ever was such a gang by that name [1]. Even if they existed, a Times editor acknowledged, they carelessly relied too much on police accounts [2] of the gang and the danger they posed to the community, which later were to be found exaggerated [3]. The reporter who wrote the story eventually resigned [4]. Other papers picked up on it reshaping it with sensational headlines [5], such as “HARLEM MAU MAU”—creating a sense of hysteria in the community [6] and may have contributed to the riot that inflamed Harlem on July 18th (lasting through the 23rd) after a black youth was shot by an off-duty white police lieutenant, leading to scores of arrests, injuries, and causing $50,000 in property damage [6].”

"The claim here is that five days of rioting were partly in response to claims of black gang violence, which were, of course, essentially true, and have since gotten many times worse. But it’s not the newspaper that’s at fault, it’s the rioters.

[N.S.: The six bracketed numbers were of lies by the times. Of course, the blood brothers existed; it was a division of the nation of islam. Why would it have been "careless" to rely on police accounts? Should the reporter have relied on accounts by the killers? How could the danger to the community of a gang of serial killers have been "exaggerated"? Then again, the gang only murdered Whites, but the times had no intention of saying that. The reporter, Junius Griffin, didn't exactly "resign." black supremacist thugs ran him out of town. How could any headlines about the blood brothers have counted as "sensational"? Serial killers were running amok, but an honest headline "created a sense of hysteria in the community"?!

Thanks to the late, great, Alan Stang, I know of four Whites whom the blood brothers murdered,

1. Jules Bulgach;

2. David L. Watts;

3. Eileen Johnson; and

4. Mrs. Magit Sugar;

5. (The blacks also stabbed Mr. Frank Sugar, but he survived.)

Fake criminologist Carl Suddler reported that five Whites were somehow murdered by someone, but refused to name more than Mrs. Sugar.

Suddler lied about the law, in asserting that five of the six defendants, who had not committed the actual stabbings, were guilty of no crime. One of the first lessons that every child learned in new york state, when I was very young, was that if you committed a crime, during which one of your accomplices murdered someone, you were every bit as guilty of the murder as he was, and would be punished the same, up to and including being executed.

In the state of new york, the legal principle is, "acting in concert." In tennessee and other states, the legal principle is, "criminal responsibility."

When three racist young black thugs--Zyairr Davis, 13, Rashaun Weaver and Luchiano Lewis, both 14--robbed and murdered White Barnard college co-ed, Tessa Majors on December 11, 2019, one of the killers, Zyairr Davis (under coaching by his attorney), told a lie that was functionally identical to Suddler's lie. He asserted in court that he had merely handed the murder weapon to one of his crime partners, Rashaun Weaver, who then plunged it into Majors' body, killing her. Davis may have done as little as six months in a juvenile facility. we'll never know, because his identity has been hidden. (How do I know it? Because one heroic reporter sacrificed her career to name him.)

Suddler and the legal aid lawyer (Davis had no idea what he was saying, but his assertion was the key to his being prosecuted as a minor, and only for robbery, while his fellow murderers were prosecuted as adults, and for murder), Hannah Kaplan, both unwittingly admitted that the black criminals they championed were all guilty of murder. None of the stories I've recently found on the case named Davis' attorney (update: I found an old story that named her).

Why would they do that? Suddler and Kaplan are both imbeciles, and/or they both function within a subculture (the courts, antiversity, and the media), in which one can lie about the law, on behalf of black cut-throats, confident that nobody is going to call him out on his lies.

https://journals.ku.edu/amsj/article/view/5035/8140

As for the blood brothers, the confessed racist killers' supporters took to calling them the "the harlem six": William Craig, Wallace Baker, Walter Thomas, Ronald Felder, Daniel Hamm, and Robert Rice. A hoax movement started by white novelist Truman Nelson, and then taken over by black supremacist segregationist, James Baldwin, got a re-trial and acquittal of the confessed, convicted killers. One never again heard of the White victims.]

"That’s not the only problem with telling the truth. Now any writing on race risks some kind of consequences for the writer—Scott McConnell used to have a job at the New York Post. Sam Francis used to have a job at the Washington Times. The list could go on.

"When I discussed this on VDARE.COM a few years ago, I said:

“But media blackouts on race and crime produce what Marxists call a ‘false consciousness.’ People don’t know the facts about crime. And they can’t decide on public policy because they don’t have those facts.”

"Remember, most newspapers in America use the AP stylebook, which tells them to suppress facts that the Liberal Consensus has decided you don’t need to know.

"And these are important facts—sometimes life and death important.

What can you do? Well, now there’s the Internet, so that you can find these things out for yourself.

"There's also VDARE.COM. We don't even own a copy of the AP stylebook, and we're not planning to buy one.

"Sometimes this shows up as stylistic errors, but mostly it shows up as a commitment to the truth about race and society.

"Religion writer Terry Mattingly founded a blog called GetReligion, because he felt that most of the press doesn't “Get Religion.”

"Race is another thing the MSM doesn’t get—because it’s decided it doesn’t want to.


Almost Missouri says:Show Comment

Steve has a promising but paywalled post at his substack, where does the obvious-in-hindsight thing of searching the New York Times archives for the phrase “black homicide rate.”

Unsurprisingly, while phrases like “police violence” and “Emmett Till” have appeared a billion or a trillion times, “black homicide rate” has appeared only three times in 174 years.

I dunno what Steve says about it, but from his screenshot, the timing and subheds are suggestive. In chrono order:

Aug. 5, 1973
ARCHIVES
Murder Rate for Blacks in City 8 Times That for White Victims
By David Burnham
PRINT EDITION
August 5, 1973

[The text of this article is below the MORE tag.]

This article might be a shock for modern readers of the Times accustomed soft focus and trigger warnings, because it squarely and frankly confronts the massive disproportion in black homicide rates, and it does so in the first third of the article with extensive and un-spun statistics.

Well, it was the 1970s, the world was new, and bliss it was in that dawn to be alive! The Times may have earnestly believed that honest discussion might lead to a solution.

But foreshadowing the epic failure that would characterize the next five decades of B!lack policy, the middle third of the article devolves into editorial rationalization and excuse making. “Frustrations” are invoked (apparently the word then current as a blanket justification), historical analogs are sought, and … well, the whole spectacle will be familiar to any reader here.

The final third of the article delves into more abstract statistics. (This one article from 1973 may have had more—and more objective—statistics than an entire edition of the NYT has today.)

Then the Times went conspicuously silent on the black homicide rate. They never mentioned it again as News, but, 52 years later, in the Opinion section …

May 9, 2015
SUNDAY OPINION
The Real Problem With America’s Inner Cities
It’s not just police racism. It’s about a culture of violence.
By Orlando Patterson
PRINT EDITION The Real Problem With
America’s Inner Cities May 10, 2015, Page SR6

[The text of this article is below the MORE tag.]

It was a year into the Ferguson Effect and things weren’t going well. Obama was in office, BLM was getting its way, so crime was up, racial tension was up, and excuses were needed, STAT!

Enter B!lack-Harvard-Jamaican-Affirmative-Action-recipient and editorialist Orlando Patterson. He wastes no time. The “frustrations” invocation is replaced with “a vicious tangle”. Practically every single paragraph is false. This is the context where “the black homicide rate has declined substantially” makes it second appearance in New York Times history.

So what’s the “Real Problem” per Professor Doctor Patterson? Gang member: “so I went to the streets to find love.”

Okay Orlando, sure.

May 17, 2023
OPINION
America Has Become Both More and Less Dangerous Since Black Lives Matter
Black Lives Matter protests reduce police violence. Homicides have risen. How do we make sense of it all?
By Thomas B. Edsall

[This article is at https://archive.ph/OeKwZ .]

It’s 2023, Obama’s brain-dead legacy Biden is in the White House, BLM is once again triumphant, and in a strange coincidence, crime is again up, racial tension is again up. Weird, right? Before anyone does any unwarranted cause-and-effect reasoning, the Times has to get ahead of this to lay down the approved narrative, and white liberal Thomas Edsall is the man to do it. How? With his too-clever “Both More and Less Dangerous” oxymoron. “More dangerous”: +3000 homicides. “Less dangerous”: -200 police killings. Net: +2800 deaths. But that’s okay because reasons.

Of course lower “police killings” doesn’t mean the police changed but merely that there is less policing overall and particularly less policing of the most violence-prone blacks. And defining “police killings” is highly subjective anyway.

In the midst of his swirl of tendentious and mismatched statistics, Edsall lets the magic “black homicide rate” phrase fall for the third time in NYT history, but it is so nested in baffelgab, I doubt anyone other than Steve noticed.

[Hide MORE]

Murder Rate for Blacks in City 8 Times That for White Victims

By David Burnham
Aug. 5, 1973

A black resident of New York City is eight times more likely to be murdered than white resident of the city, computer analysis of police records indicates.

A second key finding of the study is that in slightly more than four out of five New York homicides, the killer and his victim are of the same race.

The study of who kills whom in New York City was made by The New York Times on the basis of a sampling of every 15th homicide arrest report and related documents compiled by policemen here during 1971, the last year for which complete records were available when the study was begun.

A Times computer was used to correlate the race, age and sex of both the killer and the victim and to develop tables that draw a more detailed portrait of homicide in New York than has previously been available.

Some of the highlights of the study are the following:

¶Crime rates projected from the sampling indicate that 48 of every 100,000 black New Yorkers were homicide victims in 1971. This compared with 28 of every 100,000 Hispanic residents and 6 of every 100,000 white residents.

¶Of the sampling of victims, 50 per cent were black, 24 per cent were Hispanic, 22 per cent were white or other and 4 per cent were not recorded. Of those arrested for homicide, 60 per cent were black, 25 per cent were Hispanic and 15 per cent were white.

¶Where the race of the victim and killer was known 48 per cent of the sampled homicides were black against black, 21 per cent Hispanic against Hispanic and 13 per cent white against white. Thus, intraracial homicides accounted for 82 per cent of the total.

¶Eighteen per cent of the homicides crossed racial lines —9 per cent blacks and Hispanics killing whites, 4 per cent whites and Hispanic killing blacks and 4 per cent whites and blacks killing Hispanics. Because of the sample size, statisticians say the small percentages are less exact than the large ones.

¶Both the murdered and the murderers were found to be overwhelmingly male. According to police records, 81 per cent of the victims and 87 per cent of those arrested for homicide in New York City were men

¶The largest single group of murder victims‐26 per cent—were 30 to 39 years old. The largest group of those arrested for homicide‐34 per cent—were 20 to 29 years old.

11.6% Rise This Year

The New York Times initiated the computer project more than a year ago to examine the rapid rise in murder.

Nationwide, murder increased 61 per cent in 1966 through 1971. In New York City, it increased 59 per cent from 1968 through 1972. Fox the first six months of this year homicides continued to increase, with 11.6 per cent more than in the same period last year.

Heightened concern about crime has been a leading and controversial subject of political debate in the United States at least since 1964, when Senator Barry M. Goldwater, the Arizona Republican who was his party’s candidate for President, made crime a major issue of his campaign. The racial aspects of crime have also been hotly discussed, usually in camouflaged manner.

The political debate has rarely attempted to answer the difficult questions of why the amount and rate of homicide has sharply increased during the last decade and why the black homicide rate is considerably higher than the rate found among whites and Hispanics.

Other than the often cited explanation of the increasing availability of lethal weapons —New York police officers seized five times more handguns in 1972 than they did in 1963—even the experts are unable to agree on a single explanation.

Frustration Blamed

In an essay entitled “Why Blacks Killed Blacks,” Dr. Alvin F. Poussaint, a black psychiatrist, restated the theory that the economic and social frustrations of a sharply segregated society and the pressures of poverty might lead to violent acts against the first available target.

The theory that frustration is responsible for much of the black violence is endorsed by other social scientists, such as Dr. Kenneth B. Clark, black psychologist and president of the Metropolitan Applied Research Center, Inc.

Dr. Marvin Wolfgang, director of the Center for Studies in Criminology and Criminal Law at the University of Pennsylvania and an expert on homicide, cites the different but not incompatible theory that some low‐income groups in the United States have a cultural heritage of violence that results in the sharply varying rates of homicide.

Studies done by Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay of Chicago from 1900 through 1965 have found that the poorest and most disorganized communities — whether German, Irish, Polish, Italian or, most recently, black and Hispanic —have always had the highest delinquency rates. As the immigrant groups moved out of the ghetto, the researchers found, the delinquency rates declined.

Racial Statistics

Although more than 4,000 police departments throughout the country collect and publish the race of people who are arrested and forward these statistics to the Federal Bureau of Investigation each year, the New York Police Department does not make such information available. Bertram Perkel, special counsel to Police Commissioner Donald F. Cawley, explained:

“We feel crime is an individual act and that a racial breakdown of all those arrested for a particular crime is relevant to our job of catching criminals. We also feel that to start publishing such data would prey on the fears of people when there is no evidence that a propensity to corn

Data on 100 Murders Used in Times’s Study

The New York Times study of homicide in New York City is based on a sampling of arrest reports and complaint forms on 100 murders, which resulted in the arrest of 133 persons in 1971.

During the year covered by the study, there were 1,466 homicides and 1,144 homicide arrests. Statisticians who were consulted said the sampling was sufficiently large to permit broad conclusions about who kills whom in the city.

After copies of the relevant documents were obtained from the Police Department —with the names excised for reasons of privacy — the information in the documents was transferred to punch cards that could be read by a computer. mit [sic] crime is a racial characteristic.”

And while many police departments do publish information about the race of those arrested, none is known to provide such data about the victims or to conduct studies relating the race, age and sex of the offender and his victim.

Four years ago, however, the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence collected information about the victim and the offender in a random selection of crimes of violence in 17 large American cities, including New York.

Concerning only the crime of homicide, this study of police records for 1967 found that 24 per cent of all killings in these 17 cities were between whites and 66 per cent between blacks.

Some Data Unavailable

The commission said that of the balance of its sample of 781 homicides, 6 per cent involved blacks killing whites and 4 per cent whites killing blacks. Thus, only 1 out of 10 of these homicides cut across racial lines.

The commission did not publish a city‐by‐city breakdown of its study. Neither did it provide information about the racial or ethnic characteristics other than indicating whether the victims and perpetrators were white or black.

The New York Times study was based on a sample of 100 homicide arrests and related reports filled out by policemen in every borough of the city in 1971, The study thus reflects police actions on homicide, rather than the homicides themselves.

But because nearly all homi sides come to the attention of the police, and because the police make arrests in about 80 per cent of the cases, criminologists say police reports accurately depict the patterns of killings in the city.

Criminologists also note that because there frequently are no witnesses to murders, crime complaints and subsequent arrest reports of the police are the only feasible means for developing an over‐all picture of homicide.

47% Used Guns

One possible shortcoming of the study involves the racial and ethnic descriptions used by the police, sometimes requiring sophisticated judgments Though the department’s computer records contain racial code numbers‐1 for white, for black and 7 for Hispanic —formal guidelines for their use were not available.

In addition to noting the race, age and sex of who killed whom, The Times’s study provided other insights into murder in New York City.

The most frequently used murder weapon was the gun, used in 47 per cent of the sample cases. Knives were used in 35 per cent of the cases; physical force, such as strangling, in 9 per cent, and a blunt instrument in 4 per cent. Other methods accounted for the remaining 5 per cent.

Thirty‐eight per cent of the slayings occurred on the street, 35 per cent in apartments, 11 per cent in hallways, 10 per cent in commercial establishments, and 6 per cent in other places.

The relationship between the victim and the killer could not be determined from police records in 59 per cent of the cases. But in the sample cases, where such information was available, 25 per cent of the homicides involved a stranger killing a stranger, 26.8 per cent seemed to involve acquaintances, 17 per cent involved persons who were related, 15 per cent involved husbands and wives, 12.5 per cent involved people living together and the balance involved other relationships.

This breakdown did not agree with a recent Police Department study that suggested that the proportion of homicides involving strangers was increasing in the city and now stood at about 50 per cent of the total. However, Inspector John Bonner, the former commander of the crime‐analysis unit, said he felt the department assessment of the relationship between the victim and his murderer was based on inadequate information.

Though there was little information in the police records about the occupation of the murder victims, the documents did give a profile of the work background of those arrested for homicide: 39 per cent were unemployed, 34 per cent said they were laborers, 10 per cent said they were students, 7 per cent were housewives, 5 per cent were cab, truck or bus drivers, 1 per cent were businessmen and 4 per cent were not recorded.

The police arrest form has a space where the policeman is supposed to record whether the person arrested is a narcotics addict. Because making such judgment is difficult even for physician, criminologists have never placed much reliance on these statistics. Nevertheless, in 13 per cent of the sample cases the people arrested for homicide were described as addicts.

Saturdays Most Lethal

In an overwhelming number of the cases‐75.5 per cent—only one person was arrested in a killing. In 12.8 per cent of the cases, two were arrested: in 4.3 per cent, three were arrested, and in 7.4 per cent, four or more were arrested.

The largest proportion of homicides occurred in the late evening and early morning hours and over the weekends. Looked at in four‐hour segments, 25 per cent occurred between midnight and 4 A.M.; 10 per cent between 4 A.M. and 8 A.M.; 8 per cent between 8 A.M. and noon; 10 per cent between noon and 4 P.M., 20 per cent between 4 P.M. and 8 P.M., and 27 per cent between 8 P.M. and midnight.

By day of the week, 25 per cent of the homicides occurred on Saturdays, 18 per cent on Sundays, 9 per cent on Mondays, 11 per cent on Tuesdays, 8 per cent on Wednesdays and Thursdays and 21 per cent on Fridays.

The Real Problem With America’s Inner Cities

By Orlando Patterson
May 9, 2015

CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — THE recent unrest in Baltimore raises complex and confounding questions, and in response many people have attempted to define the problem solely in terms of insurgent American racism and violent police behavior.

But that is a gross oversimplification. America is not reverting to earlier racist patterns, and calling for a national conversation on race is a cliché that evades the real problem we now face: on one hand, a vicious tangle of concentrated poverty, disconnected youth and a culture of violence among a small but destructive minority in the inner cities; and, on the other hand, of out-of-control law-enforcement practices abetted by a police culture that prioritizes racial profiling and violent constraint.

First, we need a more realistic understanding of America’s inner cities. They are socially and culturally heterogeneous, and a great majority of residents are law-abiding, God-fearing and often socially conservative.

According to recent surveys, between 20 and 25 percent of their permanent residents are middle class; roughly 60 percent are solidly working class or working poor who labor incredibly hard, advocate fundamental American values and aspire to the American dream for their children. Their youth share their parents’ values, expend considerable social energy avoiding the violence around them and consume far fewer drugs than their white working- and middle-class counterparts, despite their disproportionate arrest and incarceration rates.

In all inner-city neighborhoods, however, there is a problem minority that varies between about 12.1 percent (in San Diego, for example) and 28 percent (in Phoenix) that comes largely from the disconnected youth between ages 16 and 24. Most are not in school and are chronically out of work, though their numbers are supplemented by working- and middle-class dropouts. With few skills and a contempt for low-wage jobs, they subsist through the underground economy of illicit trading and crime. Many belong to gangs.

Their street or thug culture is real, with a configuration of norms, values and habits that are, disturbingly, rooted in a ghetto brand of core American mainstream values: hypermasculinity, the aggressive assertion and defense of respect, extreme individualism, materialism and a reverence for the gun, all inflected with a threatening vision of blackness openly embraced as the thug life.

Such street culture is simply the black urban version of one of America’s most iconic traditions: the Wild West. America’s first gangsta thugs were Billy the Kid and Jesse James. In the youth thug cultures of both the Wild West and the inner cities, America sees inverted images of its own most iconic values, one through rose-tinted glass, the other through a glass, darkly.

While there is some continuity between the old Western and thug cultures learned through extensive exposure to the media, that of the urban streets originated more in reaction to the long centuries of institutionalized violence against blacks during slavery and Jim Crow. The historian Roger Lane has traced the roots of Philadelphia’s black “criminal subculture” all the way back to the mid-1800s; W. E. B. Du Bois found it thoroughly entrenched in his own study of Philadelphia in the 1890s.

This culture is reinforced by contemporary conditions like poverty, racial discrimination, chronic unemployment, single parenting and a chemically toxic, neurologically injurious environment, like the lead paint that poisoned Freddie Gray.

Its intersection with overly aggressive law enforcement was not random or inevitable, but rooted in a historical irony. As the political scientist Michael Javen Fortner documents in his forthcoming work “Black Silent Majority,” when Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller of New York introduced draconian new drug laws in the early 1970s to combat the increasingly violent street life of New York City, he did so with the full support of black leaders, who felt they had no choice — their lives and communities were being destroyed by the minority street gangs and drug addicts.

But it was not long before the dark side of this intervention emerged: Soon all black youth, not just the delinquent minority, were being profiled as criminals, all ghetto residents were being viewed and treated with disrespect and, increasingly, police tactics relied on the use of violence as a first resort.

And yet it didn’t work, at least in one important respect: Although the black homicide rate has declined substantially, it still remains catastrophic, with blacks being murdered at eight times the national rate — and, among teens, it has been rising again since 2002.

In tackling the present crisis, it is thus a clear mistake to focus only on police brutality, and it is fatuous to attribute it all to white racism. Black policemen were involved in both the South Carolina and Baltimore killings. Coming from the inner-city majority terrorized by the thug culture minority, they are, sadly, as likely to be brutal in their policing as white officers.

We see this in stark detail in the chronic violence of New York’s Rikers Island correction officers, the leadership and majority of whom are black. We see it also in the maternal rage of Toya Graham, the Baltimore single mom whose abusive reprimand of her son, a video of which quickly went viral, reflects both her fear of losing him to the street and her desperate, though counterproductive, mode of rearing her fatherless son.

WHAT is to be done? On the police side of the crisis, there should be immediate implementation of the sensible recommendations of President Obama’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, including more community policing; making the use of violence a last resort; greater transparency and independent investigation of all police killings; an end to racial profiling; the use of body cameras; reduced use of the police in school disputes; and fundamental changes in officer training aimed at greater knowledge of, and respect for, inner-city neighborhoods.

Accompanying this should be a drastic reduction in the youth incarceration rate, which President Obama can make a dent in immediately by pardoning the many thousands of nonviolent youths who have been unfairly imprisoned and whose incarceration merely increases their likelihood of becoming violent.

In regard to black youth, the government must begin the chemical detoxification of ghetto neighborhoods in light of the now well-documented relation between toxic exposure and youth criminality. Further, there should be an immediate scaling up of the many federal and state programs for children and youth that have been shown to work: child care from the prenatal to pre-K stages, such as Head Start and the nurse-family partnership program; after-school programs to keep boys from the lure of the street and to provide educational enrichment as well as badly needed male role models; community-based programs that focus on enhancing life skills and providing short-term, entry-level employment; and continued expansion of successful charter school systems.

The president’s My Brother’s Keeper program, now a year old, is an excellent and timely initiative that has already begun the coordination and upscaling of such successful programs, as well as the integration of the private sector in their development.

And finally, there is one long-term, fundamental change that can come only from within the black community: a reduction in the number of kids born to single, usually poor, women, which now stands at 72 percent. Its consequences are grim: greatly increased risk of prolonged poverty, child abuse, educational failure and youth delinquency and violence, especially among boys, whose main reason for joining gangs is to find a family and male role models.

As one gang member told an interviewer working for the sociologist Deanna Wilkinson: “I grew up as looking for somebody to love me in the streets. You know, my mother was always working, my father used to be doing his thing. So I was by myself. I’m here looking for some love. I ain’t got nobody to give me love, so I went to the streets to find love.”

Orlando Patterson is a professor of sociology at Harvard and the editor, with Ethan Fosse, of “The Cultural Matrix: Understanding Black Youth.”

A version of this article appears in print on , Section SR, Page 6 of the New York edition with the headline: The Real Problem With America’s Inner Cities.

6 comments:

Anonymous said...

By media not being explicitly honest about black behavior,it makes them accessories to murder,rape and more--many times over.

They're not attempting to change the minds of 50 year olds and up(we know too much from experience). They want to conceal the truth from those under 30(or 20)so they'll try the interracial thing. It's a successful day for msm every time a White female is killed by a minority in our country.

--GRA



Anonymous said...

(abc7) At least 54 shot, 7 fatally, in Labor Day weekend gun violence, police say
The Bronzeville neighborhood saw two mass shootings within 48 hours. Johnson rejects Trump sending in troops.


GRA:Probably happening though,Johnson admits that.
Friday might be D-Day in Chicago.


--GRA

Anonymous said...

jerry pdx
I've mentioned this before but here's a reminder: The rare times the media actually addresses the issue of crime reporting and race, the excuse that gets trotted out is that they don't want to reinforce false stereotypes. How absurd it that? It's contradictory because if the stereotypes are false, as the woke tell us, then reporting race would only dispel these "false stereotypes". So if anything, they should be eager to report race and prove to the public that it's actually Whites that are the criminals, not those poor misunderstood picked on negroes. Truth is, they know deep down inside that the stereotypes are true and giving us complete information would inform the world about black criminality.

Anonymous said...

They cherry pick. Report White crime and ignore 99.9% black crime(network tv).Print media might report a particular crime,but make it "raceless"(N.S.) I.D.s of perps are starting to become part of the disappearing act of black law enforcement.

"No details given about where the murder took place..."
is one method I've seen increase--in attempting to hide the race involved with certain crimes.

Intentionally calling a perp "White" initially,then issuing a correction later(how do they count that scenario?Is it how police i.d. them first--or later? With blacks,lol,it's first.) Who audits that? Miller from Trumpland says,"murders are being called accidents." I don't doubt that for a second.

--GRA






Anonymous said...

THE 60TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE WATTS RIOTS:

TV GUIDE, AUGUST 1965:

The only news feed was provided by helicopter, because... "The 46-square-mile [!) 'no man's land' was no land for men on foot or in cars and trucks. TV mobile units were overturned and burned, and cameramen, sound men and reporters (3 of whom had recently returned safely from Vietnam) were stoned and beaten and pursued through the streets by angry mobs. One Los Angeles station's car was pinned down by sniper fire. Three others were badly damaged, one by an ax. (The news stations) eventually switched to unmarked cars. (The copter pilots) were the target of sniper fire, but persisted in the coverage... State and city leaders took to TV during the long hot days of rioting and looting, to plead for order [Modern policing in a nutshell: "Oh, please, stop what you're doing!"] ." They eventually did have to call in the National Guard to stop the violence.

Here's Wikipedia's take:
"The riots were motivated by anger at the racist and abusive practices of the Los Angeles Police Department, as well as grievances over employment discrimination, residential segregation, and poverty in L.A."
Really? Continue reading and it says the riots started because a black man was nabbed for drunken driving, and resisted arrest, along with his mother, who was also in the car. Sounds very familiar, doesn't it?

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Watts_riots

The riots would seem to have justified not only segregation and non-employment but every fear white people held toward blacks, but you know the upshot: LBJ began the process of giving them everything they demanded and more. Instead of establishing unyielding draconian law enforcement, we handed over the keys to every city, every town, gave them our women and children, our art and culture- we even gave them legal marijuana!
Yes, the media was- and is- the enemy. But it's really just an arm of the real enemy, the government.

-RM

Anonymous said...

Arm in arm the media and feds have been. Still trying to decide on P.T. II.

--GRA